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  • Kemi Badenoch co-wrote report saying Prevent scheme could ‘alienate communities’

Текст: Kemi Badenoch, who criticised a Labour manifesto that warned the UK’s Prevent programme could alienate communities, co-authored a report which expressed concern that the same anti-radicalisation scheme was alienating communities.

The Conservative party leader backed an inquiry in 2015 that concluded “the public must not be the forgotten partner in the fight against extremism” and noted that Prevent was “subject to accusations of police heavy-handedness”.

On Tuesday, she criticised the prime minister and the home secretary for their approach towards Prevent. She wrote on X: “When the Conservatives were trying to toughen the Prevent anti-extremism programme, [Keir] Starmer and [Yvette] Cooper were running for office on manifestos worried about Prevent ‘alienating communities’.”

The government’s counter-terror scheme is facing an overhaul after failing to stop several murderers in recent years – including the Southport murderer Axel Rudakubana, who was sentenced on Thursday.

Rudakubana, 18, had been referred to Prevent three times. On Monday he admitted murdering Bebe King, six, Alice da Silva Aguiar, nine, and Elsie Dot Stancombe, seven, and trying to kill 10 others at a Taylor Swift-themed holiday club last summer.

Since the Southport attack, the Tories have criticised Labour’s 2019 manifesto that pledged to review the Prevent programme “to assess … potential to alienate communities”.

Badenoch was a member of the London assembly’s police and crime committee in 2015 and one of eight members who wrote a 50-page report entitled Preventing Extremism in London.

It examined Prevent, the official national programme to identify those feared to be falling for terrorist ideologies and turn them away from carrying out violence. Children and adults referred to the scheme are assessed and, if they are deemed to pose sufficient risk, work is done to reduce that danger.

The report noted that Prevent was “subject to accusations of police heavy-handedness and spying” and that “it has had a troubled history, which has led to it being considered by some as a ‘damaged’ brand, and viewed with suspicion by others”.

“Community engagement is critical to the success of Prevent,” the report went on, noting the risk that “the current ‘top down’ approach to Prevent delivery makes it difficult to engage citizens”.

Concluding, the report said “the public must not be the forgotten partner in the fight against extremism. Community engagement is shown to work, but is also the hardest element to achieve.”

One fellow assembly member on the committee, the Green party’s Jenny Jones, issued her own “minority report” within its pages because she could not support all of its conclusions.

Assembly members on the committee have told the Guardian that Badenoch signed off the report in full.

Jones, who is now a Green peer, said the Tory leader appeared to be guilty of political opportunism.

“As a member of the London assembly, Kemi co-authored a scrutiny report in 2015 which recognised the shortcomings and possible downsides of the Prevent strategy, including the possible alienation of communities, but apparently did nothing to address them when in government,” said Jones.

Another committee source said: “She backed the report in full. There was no mention of it being ‘woke’.”

MPs across parliament have called for Prevent to be overhauled since the Southport killings. Other murderers who were referred to the programme include Jake Davison, who murdered five people during a 12-minute rampage through Plymouth in August 2021, and the Isis supporter Ali Harbi Ali, who fatally stabbed the Tory MP Sir David Amess outside a constituency surgery in Leigh-on-Sea in 2021.

The Conservative party was approached for comment.

    Kemi Badenoch co-wrote report saying Prevent scheme could ‘alienate communities’ Текст: Kemi Badenoch, who criticised a Labour manifesto that warned the UK’s Prevent programme could alienate communities, co-authored a report which expressed concern that the same anti-radicalisation scheme was alienating communities. The Conservative party leader backed an inquiry in 2015 that concluded “the public must not be the forgotten partner in the fight against extremism” and noted that Prevent was “subject to accusations of police heavy-handedness”. On Tuesday, she criticised the prime minister and the home secretary for their approach towards Prevent. She wrote on X: “When the Conservatives were trying to toughen the Prevent anti-extremism programme, [Keir] Starmer and [Yvette] Cooper were running for office on manifestos worried about Prevent ‘alienating communities’.” The government’s counter-terror scheme is facing an overhaul after failing to stop several murderers in recent years – including the Southport murderer Axel Rudakubana, who was sentenced on Thursday. Rudakubana, 18, had been referred to Prevent three times. On Monday he admitted murdering Bebe King, six, Alice da Silva Aguiar, nine, and Elsie Dot Stancombe, seven, and trying to kill 10 others at a Taylor Swift-themed holiday club last summer. Since the Southport attack, the Tories have criticised Labour’s 2019 manifesto that pledged to review the Prevent programme “to assess … potential to alienate communities”. Badenoch was a member of the London assembly’s police and crime committee in 2015 and one of eight members who wrote a 50-page report entitled Preventing Extremism in London. It examined Prevent, the official national programme to identify those feared to be falling for terrorist ideologies and turn them away from carrying out violence. Children and adults referred to the scheme are assessed and, if they are deemed to pose sufficient risk, work is done to reduce that danger. The report noted that Prevent was “subject to accusations of police heavy-handedness and spying” and that “it has had a troubled history, which has led to it being considered by some as a ‘damaged’ brand, and viewed with suspicion by others”. “Community engagement is critical to the success of Prevent,” the report went on, noting the risk that “the current ‘top down’ approach to Prevent delivery makes it difficult to engage citizens”. Concluding, the report said “the public must not be the forgotten partner in the fight against extremism. Community engagement is shown to work, but is also the hardest element to achieve.” One fellow assembly member on the committee, the Green party’s Jenny Jones, issued her own “minority report” within its pages because she could not support all of its conclusions. Assembly members on the committee have told the Guardian that Badenoch signed off the report in full. Jones, who is now a Green peer, said the Tory leader appeared to be guilty of political opportunism. “As a member of the London assembly, Kemi co-authored a scrutiny report in 2015 which recognised the shortcomings and possible downsides of the Prevent strategy, including the possible alienation of communities, but apparently did nothing to address them when in government,” said Jones. Another committee source said: “She backed the report in full. There was no mention of it being ‘woke’.” MPs across parliament have called for Prevent to be overhauled since the Southport killings. Other murderers who were referred to the programme include Jake Davison, who murdered five people during a 12-minute rampage through Plymouth in August 2021, and the Isis supporter Ali Harbi Ali, who fatally stabbed the Tory MP Sir David Amess outside a constituency surgery in Leigh-on-Sea in 2021. The Conservative party was approached for comment.

    Kemi Badenoch, who criticised a Labour manifesto that warned the UK’s Prevent programme could alienate communities, co-authored a report which expressed concern that the same anti-radicalisation scheme was alienating communities.

    The Conservative party leader backed an inquiry in 2015 that concluded “the public must not be the forgotten partner in the fight against extremism” and noted that Prevent was “subject to accusations of police heavy-handedness”.

    On Tuesday, she criticised the prime minister and the home secretary for their approach towards Prevent. She wrote on X: “When the Conservatives were trying to toughen the Prevent anti-extremism programme, [Keir] Starmer and [Yvette] Cooper were running for office on manifestos worried about Prevent ‘alienating communities’.”

    The government’s counter-terror scheme is facing an overhaul after failing to stop several murderers in recent years – including the Southport murderer Axel Rudakubana, who was sentenced on Thursday.

    Rudakubana, 18, had been referred to Prevent three times. On Monday he admitted murdering Bebe King, six, Alice da Silva Aguiar, nine, and Elsie Dot Stancombe, seven, and trying to kill 10 others at a Taylor Swift-themed holiday club last summer.

    Since the Southport attack, the Tories have criticised Labour’s 2019 manifesto that pledged to review the Prevent programme “to assess … potential to alienate communities”.

    Badenoch was a member of the London assembly’s police and crime committee in 2015 and one of eight members who wrote a 50-page report entitled Preventing Extremism in London.

    It examined Prevent, the official national programme to identify those feared to be falling for terrorist ideologies and turn them away from carrying out violence. Children and adults referred to the scheme are assessed and, if they are deemed to pose sufficient risk, work is done to reduce that danger.

    The report noted that Prevent was “subject to accusations of police heavy-handedness and spying” and that “it has had a troubled history, which has led to it being considered by some as a ‘damaged’ brand, and viewed with suspicion by others”.

    “Community engagement is critical to the success of Prevent,” the report went on, noting the risk that “the current ‘top down’ approach to Prevent delivery makes it difficult to engage citizens”.

    Concluding, the report said “the public must not be the forgotten partner in the fight against extremism. Community engagement is shown to work, but is also the hardest element to achieve.”

    One fellow assembly member on the committee, the Green party’s Jenny Jones, issued her own “minority report” within its pages because she could not support all of its conclusions.

    Assembly members on the committee have told the Guardian that Badenoch signed off the report in full.

    Jones, who is now a Green peer, said the Tory leader appeared to be guilty of political opportunism.

    “As a member of the London assembly, Kemi co-authored a scrutiny report in 2015 which recognised the shortcomings and possible downsides of the Prevent strategy, including the possible alienation of communities, but apparently did nothing to address them when in government,” said Jones.

    Another committee source said: “She backed the report in full. There was no mention of it being ‘woke’.”

    MPs across parliament have called for Prevent to be overhauled since the Southport killings. Other murderers who were referred to the programme include Jake Davison, who murdered five people during a 12-minute rampage through Plymouth in August 2021, and the Isis supporter Ali Harbi Ali, who fatally stabbed the Tory MP Sir David Amess outside a constituency surgery in Leigh-on-Sea in 2021.

    The Conservative party was approached for comment.

  • Back by unpopular demand, the great Heathrow expansion show. If only planes ran on hot air

Текст: How can people say we can’t build anything in this country any more? Listen: our parliament is literally falling down, has caught fire 45 times in the past decade alone, and is going to take tens of billions of investment just to get it in the same postcode as fit-for-purpose – a fact which has now been kicked down the road for actual decades by successive cohorts of MPs who can’t handle being the ones to face reality, even though they are actually walking around in it every day. So don’t you dare tell me we don’t build things. We build the best damn metaphors in the world.

Another thing we might be building, perhaps in our own inimitable style, is a third runway at Heathrow. This is the heavy hint dropped by chancellor Rachel Reeves at Davos this week, which – if realised – could open the gate to the Labour Upside Down. Half of the cabinet hate it, half of them love it. Imagine Tony Blair but in asphalt.

Yes, we are now just days out from Rachel Reeves’s big speech on growth, delivered against the backdrop of an economy she is widely credited with having shrunk. That won’t be the literal backdrop, of course – it’ll be one of those custom-made slogan backgrounds, saying something like Getting Britain Growing, or Growing From Strength to Strength, or – my personal preference – Let’s Just Grow a Pair! In this speech, Reeves is expected to back a third runway, as well as the expansion of Gatwick and Luton airports. Students of the form book of British infrastructure projects should know she is unlikely at this stage to unveil the three options for the third runway. Namely:

1. It goes wildly over budget.

2. It goes wildly over budget and is still being built in 2040.

3. It goes wildly over budget, and in a 2039 cost-cutting measure is “reimagined” as a runway that does not actually link to Heathrow airport, functioning as a sort of state-of-the-art road to nowhere, randomly located in the Harmondsworth area.

Anyway, to Davos. As mentioned, Reeves was at the World Economic Forum, maybe to visit some of the 10,800 millionaires who have supposedly left the country in the past year. Certainly, the chancellor who only last September thundered “we will end the non-dom tax loopholes!” had a message for those non-doms: namely, that the government was keen to reopen some loopholes. Or, as Rachel had it: “We have been listening to the concerns that have been raised by the non-dom community.” Please enjoy that non-doms have now become one of Labour’s “communities”. I wonder if, like the other ones, they have “community leaders”, who can turn up in the media to appeal for calm / denounce a small minority / call for an immediate end to disorder at the Hermès store.

Back to the runway, though, which could turn into a Éowyn-level shitstorm on account of all Labour’s climate commitments. How could you have both, some people wondered this week? That was simple, explained Rachel, because the growth mission “trumps other things”. Enlightening to hear there is a trump mission. Not a Trump mission, but a mission that automatically beats any of the other 437 missions, pledges or targets that Starmer has unveiled since coming to power. I would now like to see a hierarchy of Starmer administration buzzwords, or at least a working exchange rate. One mission equals two pledges, one foundation equals three milestones – that sort of thing.

As for the diehard opponents of a third runway, you’d think they’d include environment secretary Ed Miliband. Back in 2009, Ed “nearly” resigned from Gordon Brown’s cabinet over third runway plans, while as Labour leader he ended support for them, then voted against them in 2018 (along with Keir Starmer). “We owe it to future generations not just to have good environmental principles,” said Ed then, “but to act on them.” Yet on Thursday Miliband dismissed the suggestion that he might resign as “ridiculous”. Oh Ed. You can’t not do something because it’s ridiculous – it’s miles too late for that.

Then there’s Boris Johnson, who famously promised to “lie down in front of the bulldozers” to stop a third runway going ahead. Mate, there’s still time! Let no principled British person stand in your way (and, by potentially lethal extension, the way of the bulldozer). And yet, speaking of gates to the upside down, I increasingly fear that the portal to a world in which Boris Johnson returns in some form to British politics has not been entirely closed. Therefore, and despite his self-documented inability to get on with Ozempic, Johnson may not regard either being steamrollered wafer-thin or going full ecowarrior as best serving his immediate interests (his only metric).

For former future Labour-leader Sadiq Khan, it’s a more complicated moment. In 2018, the London mayor joined an action to take the government to court if parliament ever approved a third runway at Heathrow. He won the mayoralty for a third time last year on a similar platform and reiterated his opposition last week – only for Reeves to hint she was backing the runway this week. Pressed subsequently to explain how such a court case would be funded, Khan admitted: “there is no money set aside in the budget for a legal challenge”. He went on to decline to comment on speculation, a form of words that perhaps buys him a few more days to come up with a different form of words that will explain why he isn’t mounting a legal challenge.

Forms of words are, arguably, our other last great manufacturing industry. So expect record levels of production of them in the discourse now, as we open the debate on whether the third runway will be an economic magic bullet – or 21st-century Britain’s deadliest form of cakeism yet.

Marina Hyde is a Guardian columnist

    Back by unpopular demand, the great Heathrow expansion show. If only planes ran on hot air Текст: How can people say we can’t build anything in this country any more? Listen: our parliament is literally falling down, has caught fire 45 times in the past decade alone, and is going to take tens of billions of investment just to get it in the same postcode as fit-for-purpose – a fact which has now been kicked down the road for actual decades by successive cohorts of MPs who can’t handle being the ones to face reality, even though they are actually walking around in it every day. So don’t you dare tell me we don’t build things. We build the best damn metaphors in the world. Another thing we might be building, perhaps in our own inimitable style, is a third runway at Heathrow. This is the heavy hint dropped by chancellor Rachel Reeves at Davos this week, which – if realised – could open the gate to the Labour Upside Down. Half of the cabinet hate it, half of them love it. Imagine Tony Blair but in asphalt. Yes, we are now just days out from Rachel Reeves’s big speech on growth, delivered against the backdrop of an economy she is widely credited with having shrunk. That won’t be the literal backdrop, of course – it’ll be one of those custom-made slogan backgrounds, saying something like Getting Britain Growing, or Growing From Strength to Strength, or – my personal preference – Let’s Just Grow a Pair! In this speech, Reeves is expected to back a third runway, as well as the expansion of Gatwick and Luton airports. Students of the form book of British infrastructure projects should know she is unlikely at this stage to unveil the three options for the third runway. Namely: 1. It goes wildly over budget. 2. It goes wildly over budget and is still being built in 2040. 3. It goes wildly over budget, and in a 2039 cost-cutting measure is “reimagined” as a runway that does not actually link to Heathrow airport, functioning as a sort of state-of-the-art road to nowhere, randomly located in the Harmondsworth area. Anyway, to Davos. As mentioned, Reeves was at the World Economic Forum, maybe to visit some of the 10,800 millionaires who have supposedly left the country in the past year. Certainly, the chancellor who only last September thundered “we will end the non-dom tax loopholes!” had a message for those non-doms: namely, that the government was keen to reopen some loopholes. Or, as Rachel had it: “We have been listening to the concerns that have been raised by the non-dom community.” Please enjoy that non-doms have now become one of Labour’s “communities”. I wonder if, like the other ones, they have “community leaders”, who can turn up in the media to appeal for calm / denounce a small minority / call for an immediate end to disorder at the Hermès store. Back to the runway, though, which could turn into a Éowyn-level shitstorm on account of all Labour’s climate commitments. How could you have both, some people wondered this week? That was simple, explained Rachel, because the growth mission “trumps other things”. Enlightening to hear there is a trump mission. Not a Trump mission, but a mission that automatically beats any of the other 437 missions, pledges or targets that Starmer has unveiled since coming to power. I would now like to see a hierarchy of Starmer administration buzzwords, or at least a working exchange rate. One mission equals two pledges, one foundation equals three milestones – that sort of thing. As for the diehard opponents of a third runway, you’d think they’d include environment secretary Ed Miliband. Back in 2009, Ed “nearly” resigned from Gordon Brown’s cabinet over third runway plans, while as Labour leader he ended support for them, then voted against them in 2018 (along with Keir Starmer). “We owe it to future generations not just to have good environmental principles,” said Ed then, “but to act on them.” Yet on Thursday Miliband dismissed the suggestion that he might resign as “ridiculous”. Oh Ed. You can’t not do something because it’s ridiculous – it’s miles too late for that. Then there’s Boris Johnson, who famously promised to “lie down in front of the bulldozers” to stop a third runway going ahead. Mate, there’s still time! Let no principled British person stand in your way (and, by potentially lethal extension, the way of the bulldozer). And yet, speaking of gates to the upside down, I increasingly fear that the portal to a world in which Boris Johnson returns in some form to British politics has not been entirely closed. Therefore, and despite his self-documented inability to get on with Ozempic, Johnson may not regard either being steamrollered wafer-thin or going full ecowarrior as best serving his immediate interests (his only metric). For former future Labour-leader Sadiq Khan, it’s a more complicated moment. In 2018, the London mayor joined an action to take the government to court if parliament ever approved a third runway at Heathrow. He won the mayoralty for a third time last year on a similar platform and reiterated his opposition last week – only for Reeves to hint she was backing the runway this week. Pressed subsequently to explain how such a court case would be funded, Khan admitted: “there is no money set aside in the budget for a legal challenge”. He went on to decline to comment on speculation, a form of words that perhaps buys him a few more days to come up with a different form of words that will explain why he isn’t mounting a legal challenge. Forms of words are, arguably, our other last great manufacturing industry. So expect record levels of production of them in the discourse now, as we open the debate on whether the third runway will be an economic magic bullet – or 21st-century Britain’s deadliest form of cakeism yet. Marina Hyde is a Guardian columnist

    How can people say we can’t build anything in this country any more? Listen: our parliament is literally falling down, has caught fire 45 times in the past decade alone, and is going to take tens of billions of investment just to get it in the same postcode as fit-for-purpose – a fact which has now been kicked down the road for actual decades by successive cohorts of MPs who can’t handle being the ones to face reality, even though they are actually walking around in it every day. So don’t you dare tell me we don’t build things. We build the best damn metaphors in the world.

    Another thing we might be building, perhaps in our own inimitable style, is a third runway at Heathrow. This is the heavy hint dropped by chancellor Rachel Reeves at Davos this week, which – if realised – could open the gate to the Labour Upside Down. Half of the cabinet hate it, half of them love it. Imagine Tony Blair but in asphalt.

    Yes, we are now just days out from Rachel Reeves’s big speech on growth, delivered against the backdrop of an economy she is widely credited with having shrunk. That won’t be the literal backdrop, of course – it’ll be one of those custom-made slogan backgrounds, saying something like Getting Britain Growing, or Growing From Strength to Strength, or – my personal preference – Let’s Just Grow a Pair! In this speech, Reeves is expected to back a third runway, as well as the expansion of Gatwick and Luton airports. Students of the form book of British infrastructure projects should know she is unlikely at this stage to unveil the three options for the third runway. Namely:

    1. It goes wildly over budget.

    2. It goes wildly over budget and is still being built in 2040.

    3. It goes wildly over budget, and in a 2039 cost-cutting measure is “reimagined” as a runway that does not actually link to Heathrow airport, functioning as a sort of state-of-the-art road to nowhere, randomly located in the Harmondsworth area.

    Anyway, to Davos. As mentioned, Reeves was at the World Economic Forum, maybe to visit some of the 10,800 millionaires who have supposedly left the country in the past year. Certainly, the chancellor who only last September thundered “we will end the non-dom tax loopholes!” had a message for those non-doms: namely, that the government was keen to reopen some loopholes. Or, as Rachel had it: “We have been listening to the concerns that have been raised by the non-dom community.” Please enjoy that non-doms have now become one of Labour’s “communities”. I wonder if, like the other ones, they have “community leaders”, who can turn up in the media to appeal for calm / denounce a small minority / call for an immediate end to disorder at the Hermès store.

    Back to the runway, though, which could turn into a Éowyn-level shitstorm on account of all Labour’s climate commitments. How could you have both, some people wondered this week? That was simple, explained Rachel, because the growth mission “trumps other things”. Enlightening to hear there is a trump mission. Not a Trump mission, but a mission that automatically beats any of the other 437 missions, pledges or targets that Starmer has unveiled since coming to power. I would now like to see a hierarchy of Starmer administration buzzwords, or at least a working exchange rate. One mission equals two pledges, one foundation equals three milestones – that sort of thing.

    As for the diehard opponents of a third runway, you’d think they’d include environment secretary Ed Miliband. Back in 2009, Ed “nearly” resigned from Gordon Brown’s cabinet over third runway plans, while as Labour leader he ended support for them, then voted against them in 2018 (along with Keir Starmer). “We owe it to future generations not just to have good environmental principles,” said Ed then, “but to act on them.” Yet on Thursday Miliband dismissed the suggestion that he might resign as “ridiculous”. Oh Ed. You can’t not do something because it’s ridiculous – it’s miles too late for that.

    Then there’s Boris Johnson, who famously promised to “lie down in front of the bulldozers” to stop a third runway going ahead. Mate, there’s still time! Let no principled British person stand in your way (and, by potentially lethal extension, the way of the bulldozer). And yet, speaking of gates to the upside down, I increasingly fear that the portal to a world in which Boris Johnson returns in some form to British politics has not been entirely closed. Therefore, and despite his self-documented inability to get on with Ozempic, Johnson may not regard either being steamrollered wafer-thin or going full ecowarrior as best serving his immediate interests (his only metric).

    For former future Labour-leader Sadiq Khan, it’s a more complicated moment. In 2018, the London mayor joined an action to take the government to court if parliament ever approved a third runway at Heathrow. He won the mayoralty for a third time last year on a similar platform and reiterated his opposition last week – only for Reeves to hint she was backing the runway this week. Pressed subsequently to explain how such a court case would be funded, Khan admitted: “there is no money set aside in the budget for a legal challenge”. He went on to decline to comment on speculation, a form of words that perhaps buys him a few more days to come up with a different form of words that will explain why he isn’t mounting a legal challenge.

    Forms of words are, arguably, our other last great manufacturing industry. So expect record levels of production of them in the discourse now, as we open the debate on whether the third runway will be an economic magic bullet – or 21st-century Britain’s deadliest form of cakeism yet.

    Marina Hyde is a Guardian columnist

  • ‘Dark day for parks’: Plans to build Spurs academy on London green space approved

Текст: A women’s football academy will be built over public green space and a rewilded former golf course after Enfield council approved controversial plans by Tottenham Hotspur football club.

The council, which handed Spurs a 25-year lease for 53 hectares (130 acres) of Whitewebbs Park in north London, has backed plans for all-weather pitches, floodlights and a “turf academy” on green belt parkland rich in bats, newts and mature trees. In exchange Spurs will pay the council £2m.

Local people, who took the council to the high court to unsuccessfully challenge what they said was an unlawful enclosure of public space, protested outside the planning committee meeting.

Spurs’ planning victory followed Wimbledon’s controversial and successful plans to build 39 new tennis courts on the former Wimbledon Park golf course.

Alice Roberts, of the countryside charity CPRE London, said: “This is a dark day for parks. It’s beyond us why Enfield council is prepared to give away a beautiful public park to a wealthy private company for peanuts. They are supposed to be the custodians of public rights over the park. It has served the residents of Enfield for over 90 years. Now it’s gone for ever.

“We will continue to fight for Whitewebbs. For all other parks in the UK, we now need to take the fight to parliament. That’s because, in a previous round of this long battle, the high court ruled against Whitewebbs campaigners, effectively saying town halls can, with impunity, ignore public rights and treat parks as financial assets.”

Although the Greater London Authority (GLA) and Angela Rayner, the housing secretary, have the power to refuse or “call in” Enfield council’s decision, this is unlikely, with the GLA having last year rubber-stamped Wimbledon’s plans to develop the former golf course in south-west London.

Whitewebbs Park was bought by Enfield council for the public in 1931. Since the 1930s, the grassland section of the park was used as a public golf course, which closed in 2021. Since then, the area has reverted to nature, and is home to 80 species of bird and at least nine species of bat, as well as great crested newts and badgers. It is also thought to be the best site in north London for butterflies, with 29 species including the brown hairstreak, the purple emperor and the white-letter hairstreak.

Of the area of the park leased and managed by Spurs, 66% will remain open to the public, but 18 hectares will be fenced off for new pitches and facilities for the women’s football academy.

Spurs’s plans include converting the former golf club house into a cafe with toilets, dog-washing facilities, a resurfaced car park with EV charging ports and community space.

Ergin Erbil, the Labour leader of Enfield council, said: “We welcome the commitments made by Tottenham Hotspur Football Co Ltd (THFC) to improve the surrounding green space. THFC have committed to planting 2,000 trees, improving biodiversity, repairing footpaths, and improving public access within in the park.

“We believe this project will bring exciting opportunities to Enfield, including job opportunities, apprenticeships, and enhanced sports facilities. We know our borough will benefit from a world-class football training ground for women’s football, one of the fastest-growing sports in the world. We are also pleased to report that the new training grounds will be accessible to youth teams, grassroots football clubs and community groups.”

Local resident and lifelong Spurs fan Pratik Sampat said: “This beautiful, biodiverse area is going to get half-consumed by plastic pitches and fences. They will tidy it up and it will look like any park and it won’t have that raw, natural feel. It’s gone and the benefits in the long term accrue to this mega-corporation with very little benefit accruing to the people of the borough.”

Campaigners are taking legal advice over further challenges. Sam Gracie Tillbrook, chair of Guardians of Whitewebbs, said: “I went through a mental health crisis in lockdown and visiting Whitewebbs Park was one of the only things that allowed me to feel at peace. The loss of such a large part of the park will feel like removing a part of me. The community this park has built around it is something very special, and it brings profound sadness and distress to think that we are so close to losing it. We must save Whitewebbs.”

Campaigner Ed Allnutt said: “Whitewebbs is our public park, part of the green lung of Enfield. Spurs’s plan to privatise it and make it part of a billionaire football empire is daylight robbery.”

A Spurs spokesperson said: “We are delighted that Enfield council’s planning committee has voted to approve our proposals. This is a special site and one we know extremely well, being based next door. Our proposals will secure its future with a green use and ensure it remains an open and inclusive place for local people to enjoy.

“We shall improve local access to nature and habitats, provide new facilities for visitors, community groups and sports clubs, and put Enfield on the map as a champion of the women’s and girls’ game with a best in class academy.”

    ‘Dark day for parks’: Plans to build Spurs academy on London green space approved Текст: A women’s football academy will be built over public green space and a rewilded former golf course after Enfield council approved controversial plans by Tottenham Hotspur football club. The council, which handed Spurs a 25-year lease for 53 hectares (130 acres) of Whitewebbs Park in north London, has backed plans for all-weather pitches, floodlights and a “turf academy” on green belt parkland rich in bats, newts and mature trees. In exchange Spurs will pay the council £2m. Local people, who took the council to the high court to unsuccessfully challenge what they said was an unlawful enclosure of public space, protested outside the planning committee meeting. Spurs’ planning victory followed Wimbledon’s controversial and successful plans to build 39 new tennis courts on the former Wimbledon Park golf course. Alice Roberts, of the countryside charity CPRE London, said: “This is a dark day for parks. It’s beyond us why Enfield council is prepared to give away a beautiful public park to a wealthy private company for peanuts. They are supposed to be the custodians of public rights over the park. It has served the residents of Enfield for over 90 years. Now it’s gone for ever. “We will continue to fight for Whitewebbs. For all other parks in the UK, we now need to take the fight to parliament. That’s because, in a previous round of this long battle, the high court ruled against Whitewebbs campaigners, effectively saying town halls can, with impunity, ignore public rights and treat parks as financial assets.” Although the Greater London Authority (GLA) and Angela Rayner, the housing secretary, have the power to refuse or “call in” Enfield council’s decision, this is unlikely, with the GLA having last year rubber-stamped Wimbledon’s plans to develop the former golf course in south-west London. Whitewebbs Park was bought by Enfield council for the public in 1931. Since the 1930s, the grassland section of the park was used as a public golf course, which closed in 2021. Since then, the area has reverted to nature, and is home to 80 species of bird and at least nine species of bat, as well as great crested newts and badgers. It is also thought to be the best site in north London for butterflies, with 29 species including the brown hairstreak, the purple emperor and the white-letter hairstreak. Of the area of the park leased and managed by Spurs, 66% will remain open to the public, but 18 hectares will be fenced off for new pitches and facilities for the women’s football academy. Spurs’s plans include converting the former golf club house into a cafe with toilets, dog-washing facilities, a resurfaced car park with EV charging ports and community space. Ergin Erbil, the Labour leader of Enfield council, said: “We welcome the commitments made by Tottenham Hotspur Football Co Ltd (THFC) to improve the surrounding green space. THFC have committed to planting 2,000 trees, improving biodiversity, repairing footpaths, and improving public access within in the park. “We believe this project will bring exciting opportunities to Enfield, including job opportunities, apprenticeships, and enhanced sports facilities. We know our borough will benefit from a world-class football training ground for women’s football, one of the fastest-growing sports in the world. We are also pleased to report that the new training grounds will be accessible to youth teams, grassroots football clubs and community groups.” Local resident and lifelong Spurs fan Pratik Sampat said: “This beautiful, biodiverse area is going to get half-consumed by plastic pitches and fences. They will tidy it up and it will look like any park and it won’t have that raw, natural feel. It’s gone and the benefits in the long term accrue to this mega-corporation with very little benefit accruing to the people of the borough.” Campaigners are taking legal advice over further challenges. Sam Gracie Tillbrook, chair of Guardians of Whitewebbs, said: “I went through a mental health crisis in lockdown and visiting Whitewebbs Park was one of the only things that allowed me to feel at peace. The loss of such a large part of the park will feel like removing a part of me. The community this park has built around it is something very special, and it brings profound sadness and distress to think that we are so close to losing it. We must save Whitewebbs.” Campaigner Ed Allnutt said: “Whitewebbs is our public park, part of the green lung of Enfield. Spurs’s plan to privatise it and make it part of a billionaire football empire is daylight robbery.” A Spurs spokesperson said: “We are delighted that Enfield council’s planning committee has voted to approve our proposals. This is a special site and one we know extremely well, being based next door. Our proposals will secure its future with a green use and ensure it remains an open and inclusive place for local people to enjoy. “We shall improve local access to nature and habitats, provide new facilities for visitors, community groups and sports clubs, and put Enfield on the map as a champion of the women’s and girls’ game with a best in class academy.”

    A women’s football academy will be built over public green space and a rewilded former golf course after Enfield council approved controversial plans by Tottenham Hotspur football club.

    The council, which handed Spurs a 25-year lease for 53 hectares (130 acres) of Whitewebbs Park in north London, has backed plans for all-weather pitches, floodlights and a “turf academy” on green belt parkland rich in bats, newts and mature trees. In exchange Spurs will pay the council £2m.

    Local people, who took the council to the high court to unsuccessfully challenge what they said was an unlawful enclosure of public space, protested outside the planning committee meeting.

    Spurs’ planning victory followed Wimbledon’s controversial and successful plans to build 39 new tennis courts on the former Wimbledon Park golf course.

    Alice Roberts, of the countryside charity CPRE London, said: “This is a dark day for parks. It’s beyond us why Enfield council is prepared to give away a beautiful public park to a wealthy private company for peanuts. They are supposed to be the custodians of public rights over the park. It has served the residents of Enfield for over 90 years. Now it’s gone for ever.

    “We will continue to fight for Whitewebbs. For all other parks in the UK, we now need to take the fight to parliament. That’s because, in a previous round of this long battle, the high court ruled against Whitewebbs campaigners, effectively saying town halls can, with impunity, ignore public rights and treat parks as financial assets.”

    Although the Greater London Authority (GLA) and Angela Rayner, the housing secretary, have the power to refuse or “call in” Enfield council’s decision, this is unlikely, with the GLA having last year rubber-stamped Wimbledon’s plans to develop the former golf course in south-west London.

    Whitewebbs Park was bought by Enfield council for the public in 1931. Since the 1930s, the grassland section of the park was used as a public golf course, which closed in 2021. Since then, the area has reverted to nature, and is home to 80 species of bird and at least nine species of bat, as well as great crested newts and badgers. It is also thought to be the best site in north London for butterflies, with 29 species including the brown hairstreak, the purple emperor and the white-letter hairstreak.

    Of the area of the park leased and managed by Spurs, 66% will remain open to the public, but 18 hectares will be fenced off for new pitches and facilities for the women’s football academy.

    Spurs’s plans include converting the former golf club house into a cafe with toilets, dog-washing facilities, a resurfaced car park with EV charging ports and community space.

    Ergin Erbil, the Labour leader of Enfield council, said: “We welcome the commitments made by Tottenham Hotspur Football Co Ltd (THFC) to improve the surrounding green space. THFC have committed to planting 2,000 trees, improving biodiversity, repairing footpaths, and improving public access within in the park.

    “We believe this project will bring exciting opportunities to Enfield, including job opportunities, apprenticeships, and enhanced sports facilities. We know our borough will benefit from a world-class football training ground for women’s football, one of the fastest-growing sports in the world. We are also pleased to report that the new training grounds will be accessible to youth teams, grassroots football clubs and community groups.”

    Local resident and lifelong Spurs fan Pratik Sampat said: “This beautiful, biodiverse area is going to get half-consumed by plastic pitches and fences. They will tidy it up and it will look like any park and it won’t have that raw, natural feel. It’s gone and the benefits in the long term accrue to this mega-corporation with very little benefit accruing to the people of the borough.”

    Campaigners are taking legal advice over further challenges. Sam Gracie Tillbrook, chair of Guardians of Whitewebbs, said: “I went through a mental health crisis in lockdown and visiting Whitewebbs Park was one of the only things that allowed me to feel at peace. The loss of such a large part of the park will feel like removing a part of me. The community this park has built around it is something very special, and it brings profound sadness and distress to think that we are so close to losing it. We must save Whitewebbs.”

    Campaigner Ed Allnutt said: “Whitewebbs is our public park, part of the green lung of Enfield. Spurs’s plan to privatise it and make it part of a billionaire football empire is daylight robbery.”

    A Spurs spokesperson said: “We are delighted that Enfield council’s planning committee has voted to approve our proposals. This is a special site and one we know extremely well, being based next door. Our proposals will secure its future with a green use and ensure it remains an open and inclusive place for local people to enjoy.

    “We shall improve local access to nature and habitats, provide new facilities for visitors, community groups and sports clubs, and put Enfield on the map as a champion of the women’s and girls’ game with a best in class academy.”

  • Philippines storm survivors join climate protest outside Shell HQ in London

Текст: For two days and two nights, Ronalyn Carbonel and her four children clung to the roof of their home as a huge storm raged around them. With the wind battering her village of Rizal, about 10 miles east of Manila in the Philippines, and water swirling through the rooms below them, they had no choice but to wait, hoping that someone would come to rescue them and hundreds of their neighbours.

“We did not have shelter, we did not have food … we just had to wait for the government for two days,” Carbonel said. “It is not easy, no electricity, no light, we just wait for the sun to rise. The children were scared, we had never experienced anything like this.”

Carbonel was speaking to the Guardian as Greenpeace activists and youth leaders from the Philippines protested outside the oil firm Shell’s headquarters in London on Wednesday demanding “accountability from major polluters and justice for all the loss and damage they have caused”.

The Philippines has always been hit by typhoons, but as the climate emergency has worsened the storms have become more violent, with more destructive winds and floods.

Last year in a record-breaking typhoon season, six storms battered the country in just a month. The super-typhoon Man-yi brought winds of up to 120mph and drove more than 650,000 people from their homes. In all, the storm season – “supercharged” by climate change, according to experts – affected more than 13 million people, destroyed lives and livelihoods and cost an estimated $500m.

Carbonel, who is president of her local homeowners association, said the storms had grown much worse since she was younger. “When I was a child I did not experience this type of strong typhoon,” she said. “We are scared but we are already preparing, we prepare food and medicines and water.”

A sofa belonging to Carbonel was one of the climate-wrecked household items put in giant glass boxes filled with water outside Shell’s headquarters on Wednesday. The possessions, which also included a television, shoes and a teddy bear, had all been destroyed in the latest typhoon season.

As Shell staff arrived for work, speakers played the sounds of children laughing, and people cooking or watching TV, which had been recorded in the Philippines. Those noises were then replaced with sirens like those used in the Philippines to warn people of impending floods.

Activists then smashed the glass cases, allowing the “flood” waters to spill out in front of the building.

Greenpeace UK’s climate campaigner, Maja Darlington, said: “The world is near breaking point and it is oil and gas giants like Shell, who pocket tens of billions every year from burning fossil fuels that drive this climate chaos, that are to blame. It’s time they coughed up and paid their climate debts.”

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Bon Gibalay, a youth leader from Bohol in the Philippines, who was part of the protest, said: “For far too long communities like mine have weathered climate impact after climate impact, while companies like Shell continue to profit from fuelling the climate crisis. By delivering these precious possessions, damaged and destroyed by typhoons supercharged by the climate crisis, from the Philippines directly by the doors of Shell, we demand accountability from major polluters and justice for all the loss and damage they have caused.”

During the latest storms, Carbonel’s house was spared the worst damage and she spent the night walking the streets warning neighbours through a loudhailer. Ten families whose homes were badly hit sheltered in her home until the storm receded.

With a few months to go before the next storm season is due, she says all she can do is hope the world takes notice and the big oil companies take responsibility for what they are doing.

“How can we ask those kind of people to pay? They are in government, in big companies, they are powerful, they are rich. For someone like me, what can I do? I just tell my children don’t worry, just pray to God [that the next] typhoon will miss us. I just tell them to pray.”

    Philippines storm survivors join climate protest outside Shell HQ in London Текст: For two days and two nights, Ronalyn Carbonel and her four children clung to the roof of their home as a huge storm raged around them. With the wind battering her village of Rizal, about 10 miles east of Manila in the Philippines, and water swirling through the rooms below them, they had no choice but to wait, hoping that someone would come to rescue them and hundreds of their neighbours. “We did not have shelter, we did not have food … we just had to wait for the government for two days,” Carbonel said. “It is not easy, no electricity, no light, we just wait for the sun to rise. The children were scared, we had never experienced anything like this.” Carbonel was speaking to the Guardian as Greenpeace activists and youth leaders from the Philippines protested outside the oil firm Shell’s headquarters in London on Wednesday demanding “accountability from major polluters and justice for all the loss and damage they have caused”. The Philippines has always been hit by typhoons, but as the climate emergency has worsened the storms have become more violent, with more destructive winds and floods. Last year in a record-breaking typhoon season, six storms battered the country in just a month. The super-typhoon Man-yi brought winds of up to 120mph and drove more than 650,000 people from their homes. In all, the storm season – “supercharged” by climate change, according to experts – affected more than 13 million people, destroyed lives and livelihoods and cost an estimated $500m. Carbonel, who is president of her local homeowners association, said the storms had grown much worse since she was younger. “When I was a child I did not experience this type of strong typhoon,” she said. “We are scared but we are already preparing, we prepare food and medicines and water.” A sofa belonging to Carbonel was one of the climate-wrecked household items put in giant glass boxes filled with water outside Shell’s headquarters on Wednesday. The possessions, which also included a television, shoes and a teddy bear, had all been destroyed in the latest typhoon season. As Shell staff arrived for work, speakers played the sounds of children laughing, and people cooking or watching TV, which had been recorded in the Philippines. Those noises were then replaced with sirens like those used in the Philippines to warn people of impending floods. Activists then smashed the glass cases, allowing the “flood” waters to spill out in front of the building. Greenpeace UK’s climate campaigner, Maja Darlington, said: “The world is near breaking point and it is oil and gas giants like Shell, who pocket tens of billions every year from burning fossil fuels that drive this climate chaos, that are to blame. It’s time they coughed up and paid their climate debts.” Sign up to Down to Earth The planets most important stories. Get all the weeks environment news – the good, the bad and the essential after newsletter promotion Bon Gibalay, a youth leader from Bohol in the Philippines, who was part of the protest, said: “For far too long communities like mine have weathered climate impact after climate impact, while companies like Shell continue to profit from fuelling the climate crisis. By delivering these precious possessions, damaged and destroyed by typhoons supercharged by the climate crisis, from the Philippines directly by the doors of Shell, we demand accountability from major polluters and justice for all the loss and damage they have caused.” During the latest storms, Carbonel’s house was spared the worst damage and she spent the night walking the streets warning neighbours through a loudhailer. Ten families whose homes were badly hit sheltered in her home until the storm receded. With a few months to go before the next storm season is due, she says all she can do is hope the world takes notice and the big oil companies take responsibility for what they are doing. “How can we ask those kind of people to pay? They are in government, in big companies, they are powerful, they are rich. For someone like me, what can I do? I just tell my children don’t worry, just pray to God [that the next] typhoon will miss us. I just tell them to pray.”

    For two days and two nights, Ronalyn Carbonel and her four children clung to the roof of their home as a huge storm raged around them. With the wind battering her village of Rizal, about 10 miles east of Manila in the Philippines, and water swirling through the rooms below them, they had no choice but to wait, hoping that someone would come to rescue them and hundreds of their neighbours.

    “We did not have shelter, we did not have food … we just had to wait for the government for two days,” Carbonel said. “It is not easy, no electricity, no light, we just wait for the sun to rise. The children were scared, we had never experienced anything like this.”

    Carbonel was speaking to the Guardian as Greenpeace activists and youth leaders from the Philippines protested outside the oil firm Shell’s headquarters in London on Wednesday demanding “accountability from major polluters and justice for all the loss and damage they have caused”.

    The Philippines has always been hit by typhoons, but as the climate emergency has worsened the storms have become more violent, with more destructive winds and floods.

    Last year in a record-breaking typhoon season, six storms battered the country in just a month. The super-typhoon Man-yi brought winds of up to 120mph and drove more than 650,000 people from their homes. In all, the storm season – “supercharged” by climate change, according to experts – affected more than 13 million people, destroyed lives and livelihoods and cost an estimated $500m.

    Carbonel, who is president of her local homeowners association, said the storms had grown much worse since she was younger. “When I was a child I did not experience this type of strong typhoon,” she said. “We are scared but we are already preparing, we prepare food and medicines and water.”

    A sofa belonging to Carbonel was one of the climate-wrecked household items put in giant glass boxes filled with water outside Shell’s headquarters on Wednesday. The possessions, which also included a television, shoes and a teddy bear, had all been destroyed in the latest typhoon season.

    As Shell staff arrived for work, speakers played the sounds of children laughing, and people cooking or watching TV, which had been recorded in the Philippines. Those noises were then replaced with sirens like those used in the Philippines to warn people of impending floods.

    Activists then smashed the glass cases, allowing the “flood” waters to spill out in front of the building.

    Greenpeace UK’s climate campaigner, Maja Darlington, said: “The world is near breaking point and it is oil and gas giants like Shell, who pocket tens of billions every year from burning fossil fuels that drive this climate chaos, that are to blame. It’s time they coughed up and paid their climate debts.”

    Sign up to Down to Earth

    The planet’s most important stories. Get all the week’s environment news – the good, the bad and the essential

    after newsletter promotion

    Bon Gibalay, a youth leader from Bohol in the Philippines, who was part of the protest, said: “For far too long communities like mine have weathered climate impact after climate impact, while companies like Shell continue to profit from fuelling the climate crisis. By delivering these precious possessions, damaged and destroyed by typhoons supercharged by the climate crisis, from the Philippines directly by the doors of Shell, we demand accountability from major polluters and justice for all the loss and damage they have caused.”

    During the latest storms, Carbonel’s house was spared the worst damage and she spent the night walking the streets warning neighbours through a loudhailer. Ten families whose homes were badly hit sheltered in her home until the storm receded.

    With a few months to go before the next storm season is due, she says all she can do is hope the world takes notice and the big oil companies take responsibility for what they are doing.

    “How can we ask those kind of people to pay? They are in government, in big companies, they are powerful, they are rich. For someone like me, what can I do? I just tell my children don’t worry, just pray to God [that the next] typhoon will miss us. I just tell them to pray.”

  • CPS decision to charge Sam Kerr was attack on free speech, says lawyer

Текст: A leading human rights lawyer has called for an investigation into the Crown Prosecution Service’s decision to charge the footballer Sam Kerr, calling it an “attack on free speech”.

Geoffrey Robertson KC, the founding head of Doughty Street Chambers and one-time boss of Keir Starmer, said there was no public interest in charging Kerr, especially “at this time when the criminal justice system is in chaos”.

The Australia and Chelsea star Kerr was found not guilty of racially aggravated harassment on Tuesday after calling a Metropolitan police officer “fucking stupid and white”. The comments, made in January 2023, came after officers doubted her claims of being “held hostage” in a taxi.

Robertson said the CPS should launch an investigation into its lawyers who “wrongly authorised this prosecution”.

He said: “The CPS should investigate and consider why it was necessary to bring this case to trial with all the money they expended on it. Especially at a time when the criminal justice system itself is collapsing as a result of many years of underfunding by Conservative governments. Cases of this kind, which involve no public disorder or dismay, should not be brought to court.”

The CPS initially decided against charging Kerr due to insufficient evidence. It went ahead with the charge nearly a year after the incident when a second statement was submitted by PC Stephen Lovell, the officer her comments were aimed at.

In it, Lovell said Kerr’s comments left him “shocked, upset and humiliated”. He had not mentioned being upset at being called “stupid and white” in his first statement.

After the verdict, it was revealed that Kerr’s legal team had attempted to get the case thrown out at a preliminary hearing in January, arguing there had been an abuse of process by crown prosecutors.

Kerr’s lawyer, Grace Forbes, claimed the CPS had violated its own guidance, adding that a “loophole” in the victims’ right of review scheme was used to justify prosecution proceedings a year after the alleged offence. The judge refused Forbes’ attempt.

Robertson said “no one in their right mind” would think Kerr’s comments “justified a prison sentence”.

A CPS spokesperson said: “The Crown Prosecution Service’s function is not to decide whether a person is guilty of a criminal offence, but to make fair, independent and objective assessments about whether it is appropriate to present charges for a jury to consider. In this case, we decided that there was sufficient evidence and that it was in the public interest to proceed. We respect the jury’s decision.”

    CPS decision to charge Sam Kerr was attack on free speech, says lawyer Текст: A leading human rights lawyer has called for an investigation into the Crown Prosecution Service’s decision to charge the footballer Sam Kerr, calling it an “attack on free speech”. Geoffrey Robertson KC, the founding head of Doughty Street Chambers and one-time boss of Keir Starmer, said there was no public interest in charging Kerr, especially “at this time when the criminal justice system is in chaos”. The Australia and Chelsea star Kerr was found not guilty of racially aggravated harassment on Tuesday after calling a Metropolitan police officer “fucking stupid and white”. The comments, made in January 2023, came after officers doubted her claims of being “held hostage” in a taxi. Robertson said the CPS should launch an investigation into its lawyers who “wrongly authorised this prosecution”. He said: “The CPS should investigate and consider why it was necessary to bring this case to trial with all the money they expended on it. Especially at a time when the criminal justice system itself is collapsing as a result of many years of underfunding by Conservative governments. Cases of this kind, which involve no public disorder or dismay, should not be brought to court.” The CPS initially decided against charging Kerr due to insufficient evidence. It went ahead with the charge nearly a year after the incident when a second statement was submitted by PC Stephen Lovell, the officer her comments were aimed at. In it, Lovell said Kerr’s comments left him “shocked, upset and humiliated”. He had not mentioned being upset at being called “stupid and white” in his first statement. After the verdict, it was revealed that Kerr’s legal team had attempted to get the case thrown out at a preliminary hearing in January, arguing there had been an abuse of process by crown prosecutors. Kerr’s lawyer, Grace Forbes, claimed the CPS had violated its own guidance, adding that a “loophole” in the victims’ right of review scheme was used to justify prosecution proceedings a year after the alleged offence. The judge refused Forbes’ attempt. Robertson said “no one in their right mind” would think Kerr’s comments “justified a prison sentence”. A CPS spokesperson said: “The Crown Prosecution Service’s function is not to decide whether a person is guilty of a criminal offence, but to make fair, independent and objective assessments about whether it is appropriate to present charges for a jury to consider. In this case, we decided that there was sufficient evidence and that it was in the public interest to proceed. We respect the jury’s decision.”

    A leading human rights lawyer has called for an investigation into the Crown Prosecution Service’s decision to charge the footballer Sam Kerr, calling it an “attack on free speech”.

    Geoffrey Robertson KC, the founding head of Doughty Street Chambers and one-time boss of Keir Starmer, said there was no public interest in charging Kerr, especially “at this time when the criminal justice system is in chaos”.

    The Australia and Chelsea star Kerr was found not guilty of racially aggravated harassment on Tuesday after calling a Metropolitan police officer “fucking stupid and white”. The comments, made in January 2023, came after officers doubted her claims of being “held hostage” in a taxi.

    Robertson said the CPS should launch an investigation into its lawyers who “wrongly authorised this prosecution”.

    He said: “The CPS should investigate and consider why it was necessary to bring this case to trial with all the money they expended on it. Especially at a time when the criminal justice system itself is collapsing as a result of many years of underfunding by Conservative governments. Cases of this kind, which involve no public disorder or dismay, should not be brought to court.”

    The CPS initially decided against charging Kerr due to insufficient evidence. It went ahead with the charge nearly a year after the incident when a second statement was submitted by PC Stephen Lovell, the officer her comments were aimed at.

    In it, Lovell said Kerr’s comments left him “shocked, upset and humiliated”. He had not mentioned being upset at being called “stupid and white” in his first statement.

    After the verdict, it was revealed that Kerr’s legal team had attempted to get the case thrown out at a preliminary hearing in January, arguing there had been an abuse of process by crown prosecutors.

    Kerr’s lawyer, Grace Forbes, claimed the CPS had violated its own guidance, adding that a “loophole” in the victims’ right of review scheme was used to justify prosecution proceedings a year after the alleged offence. The judge refused Forbes’ attempt.

    Robertson said “no one in their right mind” would think Kerr’s comments “justified a prison sentence”.

    A CPS spokesperson said: “The Crown Prosecution Service’s function is not to decide whether a person is guilty of a criminal offence, but to make fair, independent and objective assessments about whether it is appropriate to present charges for a jury to consider. In this case, we decided that there was sufficient evidence and that it was in the public interest to proceed. We respect the jury’s decision.”

  • Audrey Hepburn and Marc Bolan among stars to get London blue plaque

Текст: Audrey Hepburn, Marc Bolan and Una Marson are among those receiving a blue plaque for their impact on London’s cultural landscapes, English Heritage has announced.

The charity paid tribute to Hepburn, whose global fame brought international attention and prestige to the capital; Bolan, whose “glam rock” innovation redefined the city’s music scene in the 1970s; and Marson, the trailblazing Jamaican poet, playwright, broadcaster and campaigner for racial and gender equality.

Other figures being recognised by plaques are Alicia Markova, who was instrumental in positioning the city as a centre for world-class ballet, Barbara Pym, the renowned British novelist whose works such as Excellent Women captured a slice of postwar London’s social fabric, and Graham Sutherland, the influential British artist known for his Neo-Romantic landscapes and his controversial portrait of Winston Churchill.

The English Heritage curatorial director, Matt Thompson, said: “2025 marks an exciting year for the blue plaques scheme as we honour these outstanding individuals who transformed the cultural fabric of London.

“From literature and art to dance and music, these figures helped shape the London we know today. Their contributions not only had a profound impact on their fields but also continue to inspire generations.”

Bolan, the enigmatic frontman of T Rex, was known for his flamboyant style and electrifying stage presence. He captivated audiences with his fusion of rock, folk, and glittering theatrics, making hits such as Get It On and Ride a White Swan staples of the era.

His iconic look, featuring sequins, feather boas, and platform boots became the quintessential aesthetic of Glam Rock, and also challenged traditional notions of masculinity. The plaque will mark one of his west London addresses.

Hepburn’s early years in London, during which she transitioned from ballet to acting, will be commemorated with a blue plaque in Mayfair.

During this formative period, Hepburn landed her first film and stage roles, including her Broadway debut in Gigi. It was also while living in the city that her Oscar-winning portrayal of Princess Ann in Roman Holiday (1953) cemented her status as a Hollywood icon and an enduring symbol of grace and style.

Marson was one of the most influential Black figures of the 20th century. As the first Black woman to be employed as a programme assistant, and later as the first Black producer at the BBC, she spearheaded a wave of change in British broadcasting.

This included creating and producing programmes such as Calling the West Indies, which connected Caribbean service personnel in Britain with their families back home, and Caribbean Voices, which became a vital platform for emerging Caribbean writers.

Pym became known for her witty, insightful portrayals of single women’s lives following her debut novel Some Tame Gazelle (1950). She will be commemorated in Pimlico, from where her best-loved and best-known novel, Excellent Women, draws its inspiration and setting.

Sutherland captured the essence of natural and human forms in ways that challenged traditional artistic conventions. His 1954 portrait of Churchill highlighted his ability to provoke and engage with public discourse. The plaque will mark his childhood home in the suburbs of London.

The blue plaques scheme, which celebrates the link between significant figures of the past and the buildings in which they lived and worked, runs on public suggestions. English Heritage said all blue plaques were subject to full property owner approval.

    Audrey Hepburn and Marc Bolan among stars to get London blue plaque Текст: Audrey Hepburn, Marc Bolan and Una Marson are among those receiving a blue plaque for their impact on London’s cultural landscapes, English Heritage has announced. The charity paid tribute to Hepburn, whose global fame brought international attention and prestige to the capital; Bolan, whose “glam rock” innovation redefined the city’s music scene in the 1970s; and Marson, the trailblazing Jamaican poet, playwright, broadcaster and campaigner for racial and gender equality. Other figures being recognised by plaques are Alicia Markova, who was instrumental in positioning the city as a centre for world-class ballet, Barbara Pym, the renowned British novelist whose works such as Excellent Women captured a slice of postwar London’s social fabric, and Graham Sutherland, the influential British artist known for his Neo-Romantic landscapes and his controversial portrait of Winston Churchill. The English Heritage curatorial director, Matt Thompson, said: “2025 marks an exciting year for the blue plaques scheme as we honour these outstanding individuals who transformed the cultural fabric of London. “From literature and art to dance and music, these figures helped shape the London we know today. Their contributions not only had a profound impact on their fields but also continue to inspire generations.” Bolan, the enigmatic frontman of T Rex, was known for his flamboyant style and electrifying stage presence. He captivated audiences with his fusion of rock, folk, and glittering theatrics, making hits such as Get It On and Ride a White Swan staples of the era. His iconic look, featuring sequins, feather boas, and platform boots became the quintessential aesthetic of Glam Rock, and also challenged traditional notions of masculinity. The plaque will mark one of his west London addresses. Hepburn’s early years in London, during which she transitioned from ballet to acting, will be commemorated with a blue plaque in Mayfair. During this formative period, Hepburn landed her first film and stage roles, including her Broadway debut in Gigi. It was also while living in the city that her Oscar-winning portrayal of Princess Ann in Roman Holiday (1953) cemented her status as a Hollywood icon and an enduring symbol of grace and style. Marson was one of the most influential Black figures of the 20th century. As the first Black woman to be employed as a programme assistant, and later as the first Black producer at the BBC, she spearheaded a wave of change in British broadcasting. This included creating and producing programmes such as Calling the West Indies, which connected Caribbean service personnel in Britain with their families back home, and Caribbean Voices, which became a vital platform for emerging Caribbean writers. Pym became known for her witty, insightful portrayals of single women’s lives following her debut novel Some Tame Gazelle (1950). She will be commemorated in Pimlico, from where her best-loved and best-known novel, Excellent Women, draws its inspiration and setting. Sutherland captured the essence of natural and human forms in ways that challenged traditional artistic conventions. His 1954 portrait of Churchill highlighted his ability to provoke and engage with public discourse. The plaque will mark his childhood home in the suburbs of London. The blue plaques scheme, which celebrates the link between significant figures of the past and the buildings in which they lived and worked, runs on public suggestions. English Heritage said all blue plaques were subject to full property owner approval.

    Audrey Hepburn, Marc Bolan and Una Marson are among those receiving a blue plaque for their impact on London’s cultural landscapes, English Heritage has announced.

    The charity paid tribute to Hepburn, whose global fame brought international attention and prestige to the capital; Bolan, whose “glam rock” innovation redefined the city’s music scene in the 1970s; and Marson, the trailblazing Jamaican poet, playwright, broadcaster and campaigner for racial and gender equality.

    Other figures being recognised by plaques are Alicia Markova, who was instrumental in positioning the city as a centre for world-class ballet, Barbara Pym, the renowned British novelist whose works such as Excellent Women captured a slice of postwar London’s social fabric, and Graham Sutherland, the influential British artist known for his Neo-Romantic landscapes and his controversial portrait of Winston Churchill.

    The English Heritage curatorial director, Matt Thompson, said: “2025 marks an exciting year for the blue plaques scheme as we honour these outstanding individuals who transformed the cultural fabric of London.

    “From literature and art to dance and music, these figures helped shape the London we know today. Their contributions not only had a profound impact on their fields but also continue to inspire generations.”

    Bolan, the enigmatic frontman of T Rex, was known for his flamboyant style and electrifying stage presence. He captivated audiences with his fusion of rock, folk, and glittering theatrics, making hits such as Get It On and Ride a White Swan staples of the era.

    His iconic look, featuring sequins, feather boas, and platform boots became the quintessential aesthetic of Glam Rock, and also challenged traditional notions of masculinity. The plaque will mark one of his west London addresses.

    Hepburn’s early years in London, during which she transitioned from ballet to acting, will be commemorated with a blue plaque in Mayfair.

    During this formative period, Hepburn landed her first film and stage roles, including her Broadway debut in Gigi. It was also while living in the city that her Oscar-winning portrayal of Princess Ann in Roman Holiday (1953) cemented her status as a Hollywood icon and an enduring symbol of grace and style.

    Marson was one of the most influential Black figures of the 20th century. As the first Black woman to be employed as a programme assistant, and later as the first Black producer at the BBC, she spearheaded a wave of change in British broadcasting.

    This included creating and producing programmes such as Calling the West Indies, which connected Caribbean service personnel in Britain with their families back home, and Caribbean Voices, which became a vital platform for emerging Caribbean writers.

    Pym became known for her witty, insightful portrayals of single women’s lives following her debut novel Some Tame Gazelle (1950). She will be commemorated in Pimlico, from where her best-loved and best-known novel, Excellent Women, draws its inspiration and setting.

    Sutherland captured the essence of natural and human forms in ways that challenged traditional artistic conventions. His 1954 portrait of Churchill highlighted his ability to provoke and engage with public discourse. The plaque will mark his childhood home in the suburbs of London.

    The blue plaques scheme, which celebrates the link between significant figures of the past and the buildings in which they lived and worked, runs on public suggestions. English Heritage said all blue plaques were subject to full property owner approval.

  • As a young reporter, I was sent to cover the Moorgate train disaster. I had no idea it had killed my father

Текст: Friday 28 February 1975 was the day that changed my life. At half past eight that morning, I was sitting down to write a newspaper feature. At 9.35am, I was standing in the press enclosure outside Moorgate station.

I was 25 years young, a freelance journalist who covered occasional news stories for a Fleet Street agency, but I had never been sent to report on one quite like the Moorgate train disaster. My brief was simple: find out what, who, when and how. We knew the “where”, and when I arrived there were just 10 journalists cordoned off next to the underground station entrance. Half an hour later came the first of the day’s many press conferences. I had my shorthand notebook at the ready.

“Good morning. I am Brian Fisher, head of disaster planning for the City of London police. At 08:46 today there was a major incident, when the three front carriages of an underground train telescoped into a short dead-end tunnel. The front two carriages were forced upwards on impact and the driver’s cab is embedded in the tunnel roof. We believe there may be up to 40 people trapped in the train …”

I remained at Moorgate station, and at Barts hospital, interviewing the injured, until just after lunchtime and then filed my copy from a telephone box. I was told by the on-duty editor I had done well and should now go home and send in my invoice. I wanted to remain on the assignment, but I realised that this was turning into a major story and a more senior reporter would take over from me. What I had no idea of, as I was filing my copy, was that 60ft beneath the pavement at Moorgate station lay my own father. He was killed instantly as the train hit the concrete wall.

My dad, a 68-year-old ex-copper, was on his way to work at Liverpool Street station that morning. Had he been able to find a parking space near Finsbury Park station, where he dropped off his wife (my stepmother), he would have taken the Piccadilly line from there, then changed on to the Central line to Liverpool Street. But there were no parking spaces, so he went to nearby Drayton Park station, to change at Moorgate station to Liverpool Street. The lack of parking spaces at Finsbury Park cost him his life.

The Moorgate train crash was to become the biggest City of London disaster since the blitz: 43 people died and nearly 80 were seriously injured. By 4pm on the afternoon of the accident, more than 100 reporters, photographers and film crews from all over the world were squeezed in and around the narrow station entrance.

My father, being Jewish, was the first victim to be buried, a day after his body was removed from inside the twisted second carriage. At the gates of the cemetery on that freezing cold Sunday morning were many reporters and film crews, and I was charged with asking them to respect my family’s and the mourners’ privacy – explaining that I, too, was a journalist and this really was a very heart-rending moment for me. They respected my wishes, and one, from the Sunday Times, must have noted my words and passed them back to his editor.

Five days later I was recruited by the legendary Insight investigative section of the Sunday Times, under the leadership of Harry Evans. Why would such an august newspaper recruit a novice? Because it was Evans’s belief that the relatives of the deceased, the transport secretary, the coroner, the police – indeed, everyone involved in the disaster and its aftermath – was more likely to speak to a journalist whose father had been a victim.

Evans’s hunch was correct. My grief opened the doors of offices and homes that would have otherwise closed in my face. I knew it was going to be challenging, though. Was it possible to separate my mourning from a deep investigation into the cause of the crash? It soon became apparent to me that confusing the personal and professional would prevent me from grasping this God-given opportunity properly. And so I found I was able to leave home each morning and leave behind me the photograph I had of my dad. He belonged in my council flat, and I belonged in the world of investigative reporting.

For the next 50 weeks I interviewed every major player in the disaster, every family who lost a loved one, even some conspiracy theorists – yes, even half a century ago. I had access I couldn’t have believed. With the words, “This is Laurence Marks, Insight, the Sunday Times”, officials that were “unavailable”, “on holiday this week” or “in a meeting” suddenly arrived pretty damn quickly on the other end of the phone. Everyone, that is, except London Transport, who were intent on not becoming involved lest compensation claims started piling up on their desks. In the event, there was just a small handful of inquiries about claims, and, as far as I can recall, only one payout.

I attended the coroner’s inquest six weeks after the disaster and for three days listened to all the evidence. Dr David Paul, the City of London coroner, offered the jury four possible conclusions as to the driver’s role in causing the crash: manslaughter; accidental death; suicide; and an open verdict. The jury returned accidental death, but in a private interview with Dr Paul weeks later, he confided in me that I should pursue the line of suicide. He felt that the evidence pointed to it, but without a note he couldn’t have led the jury in that direction.

The interview I wanted beyond all others (as did every journalist) was with the driver’s widow, Helen Newson. I had written to her on more than one occasion and, unsurprisingly, never received a reply. But a week before my Moorgate story went to print, I took a gamble. I drove over to the south-east London block of council flats where the Newson family lived, and delivered a handwritten note explaining how much I desperately wanted to talk to them, and that I would be sitting downstairs in my car.

Forty-five minutes later there was a tap on my window, and there stood a young woman saying that her mum would like to talk to me. As a journalist I received vital details nobody else had, but Mrs Newson could offer no more idea of what had overcome her husband than I could, and her pain was evident in her eyes. She kept apologising to me for her husband’s actions, and I kept telling her it wasn’t her fault and there was nothing she should be sorry for.

When I wrote my Insight feature, it was headlined: “Was It Suicide?” The answer is, we shall never know. The driver didn’t leave a note, so there was no evidence. London Transport’s chief engineer told me the train that crashed was in perfect working order, and had the driver applied the brakes at any time it would have slowed down and stopped. The engineer added: “The driver stopped the train at every station quite normally that morning, except at Moorgate. He could have done and didn’t.”

I spent days with the eminent pathologist Prof Keith Simpson, who took me through the postmortem performed on the driver. He concluded that there was simply no condition that could be discovered that would have prevented the driver from letting go of the “deadman’s handle” (the spring-loaded brake). Prof Simpson was unwavering in his professional opinion that the driver had not suffered a stroke, heart attack, gone blind, undergone an epileptic seizure or been electrocuted. He simply did not apply his brakes. What’s more, he increased the acceleration of the train as he shot into the daylight of Moorgate station.

When my feature was published, in certain quarters I was castigated for even suggesting that the driver may have taken his life and the lives of others. I felt it was now time for me to step aside and let the entire matter rest in peace. Yes, I had lost my father, but nothing I could now write – and I was offered appearances on TV, radio and even a publishing contract to write a book on the subject – would bring him back. My year-long investigation elevated me up the journalistic ladder and there I thought my future lay. I worked for national newspapers and the ITV current affairs programme This Week. I could be excused for believing that my career was on an upward trajectory and that perhaps I might even become a “front of camera” television reporter.

But comedy stood in the way of that dream.

For years I had been secretly writing comedy sketches and half-hour situation comedies – all rejected, but very encouragingly. In 1977, my co-writer, Maurice Gran, and I were commissioned to write the Frankie Howerd Variety Show, thus kicking off a career in television comedy, creating shows such as The New Statesman, Goodnight Sweetheart, Shine on Harvey Moon and Birds of a Feather. “Perhaps,” said one psychiatrist to me, “you are using comedy to blank out the tragedy that was the Moorgate train disaster.” Who was to gainsay her? Whatever the reason, my comedy career skyrocketed and Moorgate faded into the background of my life and imagination.

I was the subject of a 2006 Channel 4 documentary entitled Me, My Dad, and Moorgate, which was more focused on my television career than on the disaster, after which those dusty old Moorgate files were placed in my university archive. It was in 2023 that Maurice tentatively suggested that I should blow the dust off the mountain of old research documents and perhaps write a drama about that life-changing day in February 1975. My initial reaction was: “Why would I want to relive the pain of losing my dad in a 65ft-long train carriage that was reduced to just 15ft?” Maurice and our manager put up a very good argument and, when I finally agreed, the next question was: for what medium would we write it? After significant discussion, we opted for radio.

Maurice and I decided to tell the story of Friday 28 February 1975 in two parts: first from the point of view of the rescue operation outside the wreckage; and in our second play from inside the front carriage, focusing on the last two survivors, who were trapped for 12 hours. Out came my considerable library, the cassette-recorded interviews, the shorthand notes, the papers and other documents I should never have been given in the first place. From these we put together the content of the two 45-minute plays, which will be broadcast on Radio 4 later this month.

The two plays were constructed and written in 2023, then revised last year when more information was brought to our notice from those who had read about the project on social media. Ambulance workers, doctors, firefighters, and London Transport engineers came out of the woodwork to tell me about their involvement. It was all treasured; it heightened our drama and transported me back 50 years to Moorgate station’s press enclosure.

As I reflect today on the young me – the journalist who, it might be said, found his professional feet and lost his dad – I ask myself, would I have done it all again? Without question I would. I was ambitious and, furthermore, I cannot see how anything I did was wrong. In so many ways it served as a form of grief therapy. Each day I discovered a new fact, both about my dad’s life and what actually occurred on the train that morning.

Whereas I felt better about my published piece and the process that led me to write it, this certainly wasn’t the case with Helen Newson, whose family were appalled at my suggestion that her husband, her daughters’ father, may have died by suicide. Other relatives of the deceased were divided; many thanked me for taking the trouble to discover just how their loved ones were killed, others were appalled that I was digging into their private pain.

How do I feel about returning to the past? It was creepy revisiting the young me, hearing him interview such eminent players in the drama (now almost all dead), and reviewing my theory about what happened on that morning in 1975. Yet, had the train arrived as it usually did at Moorgate station, and had all the passengers, including my father, stepped from the carriages and gone about their daily business, I can say with some sureness that my life wouldn’t have turned out as it did.

 Moorgate will be broadcast on Radio 4 on 26 and 27 February, and will be available on BBC Sounds.

    As a young reporter, I was sent to cover the Moorgate train disaster. I had no idea it had killed my father Текст: Friday 28 February 1975 was the day that changed my life. At half past eight that morning, I was sitting down to write a newspaper feature. At 9.35am, I was standing in the press enclosure outside Moorgate station. I was 25 years young, a freelance journalist who covered occasional news stories for a Fleet Street agency, but I had never been sent to report on one quite like the Moorgate train disaster. My brief was simple: find out what, who, when and how. We knew the “where”, and when I arrived there were just 10 journalists cordoned off next to the underground station entrance. Half an hour later came the first of the day’s many press conferences. I had my shorthand notebook at the ready. “Good morning. I am Brian Fisher, head of disaster planning for the City of London police. At 08:46 today there was a major incident, when the three front carriages of an underground train telescoped into a short dead-end tunnel. The front two carriages were forced upwards on impact and the driver’s cab is embedded in the tunnel roof. We believe there may be up to 40 people trapped in the train …” I remained at Moorgate station, and at Barts hospital, interviewing the injured, until just after lunchtime and then filed my copy from a telephone box. I was told by the on-duty editor I had done well and should now go home and send in my invoice. I wanted to remain on the assignment, but I realised that this was turning into a major story and a more senior reporter would take over from me. What I had no idea of, as I was filing my copy, was that 60ft beneath the pavement at Moorgate station lay my own father. He was killed instantly as the train hit the concrete wall. My dad, a 68-year-old ex-copper, was on his way to work at Liverpool Street station that morning. Had he been able to find a parking space near Finsbury Park station, where he dropped off his wife (my stepmother), he would have taken the Piccadilly line from there, then changed on to the Central line to Liverpool Street. But there were no parking spaces, so he went to nearby Drayton Park station, to change at Moorgate station to Liverpool Street. The lack of parking spaces at Finsbury Park cost him his life. The Moorgate train crash was to become the biggest City of London disaster since the blitz: 43 people died and nearly 80 were seriously injured. By 4pm on the afternoon of the accident, more than 100 reporters, photographers and film crews from all over the world were squeezed in and around the narrow station entrance. My father, being Jewish, was the first victim to be buried, a day after his body was removed from inside the twisted second carriage. At the gates of the cemetery on that freezing cold Sunday morning were many reporters and film crews, and I was charged with asking them to respect my family’s and the mourners’ privacy – explaining that I, too, was a journalist and this really was a very heart-rending moment for me. They respected my wishes, and one, from the Sunday Times, must have noted my words and passed them back to his editor. Five days later I was recruited by the legendary Insight investigative section of the Sunday Times, under the leadership of Harry Evans. Why would such an august newspaper recruit a novice? Because it was Evans’s belief that the relatives of the deceased, the transport secretary, the coroner, the police – indeed, everyone involved in the disaster and its aftermath – was more likely to speak to a journalist whose father had been a victim. Evans’s hunch was correct. My grief opened the doors of offices and homes that would have otherwise closed in my face. I knew it was going to be challenging, though. Was it possible to separate my mourning from a deep investigation into the cause of the crash? It soon became apparent to me that confusing the personal and professional would prevent me from grasping this God-given opportunity properly. And so I found I was able to leave home each morning and leave behind me the photograph I had of my dad. He belonged in my council flat, and I belonged in the world of investigative reporting. For the next 50 weeks I interviewed every major player in the disaster, every family who lost a loved one, even some conspiracy theorists – yes, even half a century ago. I had access I couldn’t have believed. With the words, “This is Laurence Marks, Insight, the Sunday Times”, officials that were “unavailable”, “on holiday this week” or “in a meeting” suddenly arrived pretty damn quickly on the other end of the phone. Everyone, that is, except London Transport, who were intent on not becoming involved lest compensation claims started piling up on their desks. In the event, there was just a small handful of inquiries about claims, and, as far as I can recall, only one payout. I attended the coroner’s inquest six weeks after the disaster and for three days listened to all the evidence. Dr David Paul, the City of London coroner, offered the jury four possible conclusions as to the driver’s role in causing the crash: manslaughter; accidental death; suicide; and an open verdict. The jury returned accidental death, but in a private interview with Dr Paul weeks later, he confided in me that I should pursue the line of suicide. He felt that the evidence pointed to it, but without a note he couldn’t have led the jury in that direction. The interview I wanted beyond all others (as did every journalist) was with the driver’s widow, Helen Newson. I had written to her on more than one occasion and, unsurprisingly, never received a reply. But a week before my Moorgate story went to print, I took a gamble. I drove over to the south-east London block of council flats where the Newson family lived, and delivered a handwritten note explaining how much I desperately wanted to talk to them, and that I would be sitting downstairs in my car. Forty-five minutes later there was a tap on my window, and there stood a young woman saying that her mum would like to talk to me. As a journalist I received vital details nobody else had, but Mrs Newson could offer no more idea of what had overcome her husband than I could, and her pain was evident in her eyes. She kept apologising to me for her husband’s actions, and I kept telling her it wasn’t her fault and there was nothing she should be sorry for. When I wrote my Insight feature, it was headlined: “Was It Suicide?” The answer is, we shall never know. The driver didn’t leave a note, so there was no evidence. London Transport’s chief engineer told me the train that crashed was in perfect working order, and had the driver applied the brakes at any time it would have slowed down and stopped. The engineer added: “The driver stopped the train at every station quite normally that morning, except at Moorgate. He could have done and didn’t.” I spent days with the eminent pathologist Prof Keith Simpson, who took me through the postmortem performed on the driver. He concluded that there was simply no condition that could be discovered that would have prevented the driver from letting go of the “deadman’s handle” (the spring-loaded brake). Prof Simpson was unwavering in his professional opinion that the driver had not suffered a stroke, heart attack, gone blind, undergone an epileptic seizure or been electrocuted. He simply did not apply his brakes. What’s more, he increased the acceleration of the train as he shot into the daylight of Moorgate station. When my feature was published, in certain quarters I was castigated for even suggesting that the driver may have taken his life and the lives of others. I felt it was now time for me to step aside and let the entire matter rest in peace. Yes, I had lost my father, but nothing I could now write – and I was offered appearances on TV, radio and even a publishing contract to write a book on the subject – would bring him back. My year-long investigation elevated me up the journalistic ladder and there I thought my future lay. I worked for national newspapers and the ITV current affairs programme This Week. I could be excused for believing that my career was on an upward trajectory and that perhaps I might even become a “front of camera” television reporter. But comedy stood in the way of that dream. For years I had been secretly writing comedy sketches and half-hour situation comedies – all rejected, but very encouragingly. In 1977, my co-writer, Maurice Gran, and I were commissioned to write the Frankie Howerd Variety Show, thus kicking off a career in television comedy, creating shows such as The New Statesman, Goodnight Sweetheart, Shine on Harvey Moon and Birds of a Feather. “Perhaps,” said one psychiatrist to me, “you are using comedy to blank out the tragedy that was the Moorgate train disaster.” Who was to gainsay her? Whatever the reason, my comedy career skyrocketed and Moorgate faded into the background of my life and imagination. I was the subject of a 2006 Channel 4 documentary entitled Me, My Dad, and Moorgate, which was more focused on my television career than on the disaster, after which those dusty old Moorgate files were placed in my university archive. It was in 2023 that Maurice tentatively suggested that I should blow the dust off the mountain of old research documents and perhaps write a drama about that life-changing day in February 1975. My initial reaction was: “Why would I want to relive the pain of losing my dad in a 65ft-long train carriage that was reduced to just 15ft?” Maurice and our manager put up a very good argument and, when I finally agreed, the next question was: for what medium would we write it? After significant discussion, we opted for radio. Maurice and I decided to tell the story of Friday 28 February 1975 in two parts: first from the point of view of the rescue operation outside the wreckage; and in our second play from inside the front carriage, focusing on the last two survivors, who were trapped for 12 hours. Out came my considerable library, the cassette-recorded interviews, the shorthand notes, the papers and other documents I should never have been given in the first place. From these we put together the content of the two 45-minute plays, which will be broadcast on Radio 4 later this month. The two plays were constructed and written in 2023, then revised last year when more information was brought to our notice from those who had read about the project on social media. Ambulance workers, doctors, firefighters, and London Transport engineers came out of the woodwork to tell me about their involvement. It was all treasured; it heightened our drama and transported me back 50 years to Moorgate station’s press enclosure. As I reflect today on the young me – the journalist who, it might be said, found his professional feet and lost his dad – I ask myself, would I have done it all again? Without question I would. I was ambitious and, furthermore, I cannot see how anything I did was wrong. In so many ways it served as a form of grief therapy. Each day I discovered a new fact, both about my dad’s life and what actually occurred on the train that morning. Whereas I felt better about my published piece and the process that led me to write it, this certainly wasn’t the case with Helen Newson, whose family were appalled at my suggestion that her husband, her daughters’ father, may have died by suicide. Other relatives of the deceased were divided; many thanked me for taking the trouble to discover just how their loved ones were killed, others were appalled that I was digging into their private pain. How do I feel about returning to the past? It was creepy revisiting the young me, hearing him interview such eminent players in the drama (now almost all dead), and reviewing my theory about what happened on that morning in 1975. Yet, had the train arrived as it usually did at Moorgate station, and had all the passengers, including my father, stepped from the carriages and gone about their daily business, I can say with some sureness that my life wouldn’t have turned out as it did. Moorgate will be broadcast on Radio 4 on 26 and 27 February, and will be available on BBC Sounds.

    Friday 28 February 1975 was the day that changed my life. At half past eight that morning, I was sitting down to write a newspaper feature. At 9.35am, I was standing in the press enclosure outside Moorgate station.

    I was 25 years young, a freelance journalist who covered occasional news stories for a Fleet Street agency, but I had never been sent to report on one quite like the Moorgate train disaster. My brief was simple: find out what, who, when and how. We knew the “where”, and when I arrived there were just 10 journalists cordoned off next to the underground station entrance. Half an hour later came the first of the day’s many press conferences. I had my shorthand notebook at the ready.

    “Good morning. I am Brian Fisher, head of disaster planning for the City of London police. At 08:46 today there was a major incident, when the three front carriages of an underground train telescoped into a short dead-end tunnel. The front two carriages were forced upwards on impact and the driver’s cab is embedded in the tunnel roof. We believe there may be up to 40 people trapped in the train …”

    I remained at Moorgate station, and at Barts hospital, interviewing the injured, until just after lunchtime and then filed my copy from a telephone box. I was told by the on-duty editor I had done well and should now go home and send in my invoice. I wanted to remain on the assignment, but I realised that this was turning into a major story and a more senior reporter would take over from me. What I had no idea of, as I was filing my copy, was that 60ft beneath the pavement at Moorgate station lay my own father. He was killed instantly as the train hit the concrete wall.

    My dad, a 68-year-old ex-copper, was on his way to work at Liverpool Street station that morning. Had he been able to find a parking space near Finsbury Park station, where he dropped off his wife (my stepmother), he would have taken the Piccadilly line from there, then changed on to the Central line to Liverpool Street. But there were no parking spaces, so he went to nearby Drayton Park station, to change at Moorgate station to Liverpool Street. The lack of parking spaces at Finsbury Park cost him his life.

    The Moorgate train crash was to become the biggest City of London disaster since the blitz: 43 people died and nearly 80 were seriously injured. By 4pm on the afternoon of the accident, more than 100 reporters, photographers and film crews from all over the world were squeezed in and around the narrow station entrance.

    My father, being Jewish, was the first victim to be buried, a day after his body was removed from inside the twisted second carriage. At the gates of the cemetery on that freezing cold Sunday morning were many reporters and film crews, and I was charged with asking them to respect my family’s and the mourners’ privacy – explaining that I, too, was a journalist and this really was a very heart-rending moment for me. They respected my wishes, and one, from the Sunday Times, must have noted my words and passed them back to his editor.

    Five days later I was recruited by the legendary Insight investigative section of the Sunday Times, under the leadership of Harry Evans. Why would such an august newspaper recruit a novice? Because it was Evans’s belief that the relatives of the deceased, the transport secretary, the coroner, the police – indeed, everyone involved in the disaster and its aftermath – was more likely to speak to a journalist whose father had been a victim.

    Evans’s hunch was correct. My grief opened the doors of offices and homes that would have otherwise closed in my face. I knew it was going to be challenging, though. Was it possible to separate my mourning from a deep investigation into the cause of the crash? It soon became apparent to me that confusing the personal and professional would prevent me from grasping this God-given opportunity properly. And so I found I was able to leave home each morning and leave behind me the photograph I had of my dad. He belonged in my council flat, and I belonged in the world of investigative reporting.

    For the next 50 weeks I interviewed every major player in the disaster, every family who lost a loved one, even some conspiracy theorists – yes, even half a century ago. I had access I couldn’t have believed. With the words, “This is Laurence Marks, Insight, the Sunday Times”, officials that were “unavailable”, “on holiday this week” or “in a meeting” suddenly arrived pretty damn quickly on the other end of the phone. Everyone, that is, except London Transport, who were intent on not becoming involved lest compensation claims started piling up on their desks. In the event, there was just a small handful of inquiries about claims, and, as far as I can recall, only one payout.

    I attended the coroner’s inquest six weeks after the disaster and for three days listened to all the evidence. Dr David Paul, the City of London coroner, offered the jury four possible conclusions as to the driver’s role in causing the crash: manslaughter; accidental death; suicide; and an open verdict. The jury returned accidental death, but in a private interview with Dr Paul weeks later, he confided in me that I should pursue the line of suicide. He felt that the evidence pointed to it, but without a note he couldn’t have led the jury in that direction.

    The interview I wanted beyond all others (as did every journalist) was with the driver’s widow, Helen Newson. I had written to her on more than one occasion and, unsurprisingly, never received a reply. But a week before my Moorgate story went to print, I took a gamble. I drove over to the south-east London block of council flats where the Newson family lived, and delivered a handwritten note explaining how much I desperately wanted to talk to them, and that I would be sitting downstairs in my car.

    Forty-five minutes later there was a tap on my window, and there stood a young woman saying that her mum would like to talk to me. As a journalist I received vital details nobody else had, but Mrs Newson could offer no more idea of what had overcome her husband than I could, and her pain was evident in her eyes. She kept apologising to me for her husband’s actions, and I kept telling her it wasn’t her fault and there was nothing she should be sorry for.

    When I wrote my Insight feature, it was headlined: “Was It Suicide?” The answer is, we shall never know. The driver didn’t leave a note, so there was no evidence. London Transport’s chief engineer told me the train that crashed was in perfect working order, and had the driver applied the brakes at any time it would have slowed down and stopped. The engineer added: “The driver stopped the train at every station quite normally that morning, except at Moorgate. He could have done and didn’t.”

    I spent days with the eminent pathologist Prof Keith Simpson, who took me through the postmortem performed on the driver. He concluded that there was simply no condition that could be discovered that would have prevented the driver from letting go of the “deadman’s handle” (the spring-loaded brake). Prof Simpson was unwavering in his professional opinion that the driver had not suffered a stroke, heart attack, gone blind, undergone an epileptic seizure or been electrocuted. He simply did not apply his brakes. What’s more, he increased the acceleration of the train as he shot into the daylight of Moorgate station.

    When my feature was published, in certain quarters I was castigated for even suggesting that the driver may have taken his life and the lives of others. I felt it was now time for me to step aside and let the entire matter rest in peace. Yes, I had lost my father, but nothing I could now write – and I was offered appearances on TV, radio and even a publishing contract to write a book on the subject – would bring him back. My year-long investigation elevated me up the journalistic ladder and there I thought my future lay. I worked for national newspapers and the ITV current affairs programme This Week. I could be excused for believing that my career was on an upward trajectory and that perhaps I might even become a “front of camera” television reporter.

    But comedy stood in the way of that dream.

    For years I had been secretly writing comedy sketches and half-hour situation comedies – all rejected, but very encouragingly. In 1977, my co-writer, Maurice Gran, and I were commissioned to write the Frankie Howerd Variety Show, thus kicking off a career in television comedy, creating shows such as The New Statesman, Goodnight Sweetheart, Shine on Harvey Moon and Birds of a Feather. “Perhaps,” said one psychiatrist to me, “you are using comedy to blank out the tragedy that was the Moorgate train disaster.” Who was to gainsay her? Whatever the reason, my comedy career skyrocketed and Moorgate faded into the background of my life and imagination.

    I was the subject of a 2006 Channel 4 documentary entitled Me, My Dad, and Moorgate, which was more focused on my television career than on the disaster, after which those dusty old Moorgate files were placed in my university archive. It was in 2023 that Maurice tentatively suggested that I should blow the dust off the mountain of old research documents and perhaps write a drama about that life-changing day in February 1975. My initial reaction was: “Why would I want to relive the pain of losing my dad in a 65ft-long train carriage that was reduced to just 15ft?” Maurice and our manager put up a very good argument and, when I finally agreed, the next question was: for what medium would we write it? After significant discussion, we opted for radio.

    Maurice and I decided to tell the story of Friday 28 February 1975 in two parts: first from the point of view of the rescue operation outside the wreckage; and in our second play from inside the front carriage, focusing on the last two survivors, who were trapped for 12 hours. Out came my considerable library, the cassette-recorded interviews, the shorthand notes, the papers and other documents I should never have been given in the first place. From these we put together the content of the two 45-minute plays, which will be broadcast on Radio 4 later this month.

    The two plays were constructed and written in 2023, then revised last year when more information was brought to our notice from those who had read about the project on social media. Ambulance workers, doctors, firefighters, and London Transport engineers came out of the woodwork to tell me about their involvement. It was all treasured; it heightened our drama and transported me back 50 years to Moorgate station’s press enclosure.

    As I reflect today on the young me – the journalist who, it might be said, found his professional feet and lost his dad – I ask myself, would I have done it all again? Without question I would. I was ambitious and, furthermore, I cannot see how anything I did was wrong. In so many ways it served as a form of grief therapy. Each day I discovered a new fact, both about my dad’s life and what actually occurred on the train that morning.

    Whereas I felt better about my published piece and the process that led me to write it, this certainly wasn’t the case with Helen Newson, whose family were appalled at my suggestion that her husband, her daughters’ father, may have died by suicide. Other relatives of the deceased were divided; many thanked me for taking the trouble to discover just how their loved ones were killed, others were appalled that I was digging into their private pain.

    How do I feel about returning to the past? It was creepy revisiting the young me, hearing him interview such eminent players in the drama (now almost all dead), and reviewing my theory about what happened on that morning in 1975. Yet, had the train arrived as it usually did at Moorgate station, and had all the passengers, including my father, stepped from the carriages and gone about their daily business, I can say with some sureness that my life wouldn’t have turned out as it did.

    Moorgate will be broadcast on Radio 4 on 26 and 27 February, and will be available on BBC Sounds.

  • Drivers on Elizabeth line to strike for four days over coming weeks

Текст: Train drivers on the Elizabeth line are to strike on four separate days over the coming weeks in a dispute over pay.

Members of the union Aslef will take industrial action on Thursday 27 February, Saturday 1 March, Saturday 8 March and Monday 10 March.

Virtually all drivers on the line are in the union, and voted overwhelmingly for industrial action. Aslef blamed the operator, MTR Elizabeth line, for the dispute.

Mick Whelan, Aslef’s general secretary, said: “Our members have been instrumental in the success of the Elizabeth line – it’s a partnership, in practice, between the company and its employees – but, despite our best efforts, MTR has decided not to recognise the input, the importance, and the value of train drivers in this success.”

MTR, which is due to be succeeded as the operator of the line by Tokyo Metro and Go-Ahead in May, has offered drivers a 4.5% pay increase, in line with other pay deals agreed by train drivers.

The Elizabeth line is the cross-London mass transit line, which opened in May 2022, and carries about 800,000 passengers a day.

Other London transport services including the tube, Overground and other national rail services will continue to run as normal.

A Transport for London spokesperson, said: “We encourage Aslef and MTR Elizabeth line to continue working towards resolving this dispute and avoid impacting our customers with strike action.”

Mike Bagshaw, the managing director for MTR Elizabeth line, said: “We are disappointed that drivers on the Elizabeth line have rejected a 4.5% pay rise and voted for industrial action. The offer would have maintained some of the highest salaries in the industry, along with enhanced terms and conditions.

“Any potential strike action will be disruptive for those who rely on the Elizabeth line, and we will work closely with Transport for London to ensure customers are informed of alternative travel options. We remain committed to engaging with Aslef in the hope of resolving this dispute.”

Industrial unrest has persisted in some places on the rail network despite the resolution last summer of the major nationwide disputes that had brought two years of disruption. Threatened strikes on the London Underground network in November were called off after a pay deal was reached.

In better news for passengers, the RMT union has suspended strikes that were planned on Avanti West Coast intercity services over the next three Sundays to allow for “intensive negotiations” in their dispute over rest day working.

Train managers in the union have been staging regular Sunday strikes, currently scheduled to last until the end of May.

Mick Lynch, the RMT general secretary, said: “Strike action has been suspended to allow space for constructive talks. We are fully committed to using the next three weeks productively to secure a negotiated settlement in good faith.

“However, Avanti must demonstrate a real willingness to compromise if it wants to avoid an escalation of this dispute in the coming weeks and months.”

    Drivers on Elizabeth line to strike for four days over coming weeks Текст: Train drivers on the Elizabeth line are to strike on four separate days over the coming weeks in a dispute over pay. Members of the union Aslef will take industrial action on Thursday 27 February, Saturday 1 March, Saturday 8 March and Monday 10 March. Virtually all drivers on the line are in the union, and voted overwhelmingly for industrial action. Aslef blamed the operator, MTR Elizabeth line, for the dispute. Mick Whelan, Aslef’s general secretary, said: “Our members have been instrumental in the success of the Elizabeth line – it’s a partnership, in practice, between the company and its employees – but, despite our best efforts, MTR has decided not to recognise the input, the importance, and the value of train drivers in this success.” MTR, which is due to be succeeded as the operator of the line by Tokyo Metro and Go-Ahead in May, has offered drivers a 4.5% pay increase, in line with other pay deals agreed by train drivers. The Elizabeth line is the cross-London mass transit line, which opened in May 2022, and carries about 800,000 passengers a day. Other London transport services including the tube, Overground and other national rail services will continue to run as normal. A Transport for London spokesperson, said: “We encourage Aslef and MTR Elizabeth line to continue working towards resolving this dispute and avoid impacting our customers with strike action.” Mike Bagshaw, the managing director for MTR Elizabeth line, said: “We are disappointed that drivers on the Elizabeth line have rejected a 4.5% pay rise and voted for industrial action. The offer would have maintained some of the highest salaries in the industry, along with enhanced terms and conditions. “Any potential strike action will be disruptive for those who rely on the Elizabeth line, and we will work closely with Transport for London to ensure customers are informed of alternative travel options. We remain committed to engaging with Aslef in the hope of resolving this dispute.” Industrial unrest has persisted in some places on the rail network despite the resolution last summer of the major nationwide disputes that had brought two years of disruption. Threatened strikes on the London Underground network in November were called off after a pay deal was reached. In better news for passengers, the RMT union has suspended strikes that were planned on Avanti West Coast intercity services over the next three Sundays to allow for “intensive negotiations” in their dispute over rest day working. Train managers in the union have been staging regular Sunday strikes, currently scheduled to last until the end of May. Mick Lynch, the RMT general secretary, said: “Strike action has been suspended to allow space for constructive talks. We are fully committed to using the next three weeks productively to secure a negotiated settlement in good faith. “However, Avanti must demonstrate a real willingness to compromise if it wants to avoid an escalation of this dispute in the coming weeks and months.”

    Train drivers on the Elizabeth line are to strike on four separate days over the coming weeks in a dispute over pay.

    Members of the union Aslef will take industrial action on Thursday 27 February, Saturday 1 March, Saturday 8 March and Monday 10 March.

    Virtually all drivers on the line are in the union, and voted overwhelmingly for industrial action. Aslef blamed the operator, MTR Elizabeth line, for the dispute.

    Mick Whelan, Aslef’s general secretary, said: “Our members have been instrumental in the success of the Elizabeth line – it’s a partnership, in practice, between the company and its employees – but, despite our best efforts, MTR has decided not to recognise the input, the importance, and the value of train drivers in this success.”

    MTR, which is due to be succeeded as the operator of the line by Tokyo Metro and Go-Ahead in May, has offered drivers a 4.5% pay increase, in line with other pay deals agreed by train drivers.

    The Elizabeth line is the cross-London mass transit line, which opened in May 2022, and carries about 800,000 passengers a day.

    Other London transport services including the tube, Overground and other national rail services will continue to run as normal.

    A Transport for London spokesperson, said: “We encourage Aslef and MTR Elizabeth line to continue working towards resolving this dispute and avoid impacting our customers with strike action.”

    Mike Bagshaw, the managing director for MTR Elizabeth line, said: “We are disappointed that drivers on the Elizabeth line have rejected a 4.5% pay rise and voted for industrial action. The offer would have maintained some of the highest salaries in the industry, along with enhanced terms and conditions.

    “Any potential strike action will be disruptive for those who rely on the Elizabeth line, and we will work closely with Transport for London to ensure customers are informed of alternative travel options. We remain committed to engaging with Aslef in the hope of resolving this dispute.”

    Industrial unrest has persisted in some places on the rail network despite the resolution last summer of the major nationwide disputes that had brought two years of disruption. Threatened strikes on the London Underground network in November were called off after a pay deal was reached.

    In better news for passengers, the RMT union has suspended strikes that were planned on Avanti West Coast intercity services over the next three Sundays to allow for “intensive negotiations” in their dispute over rest day working.

    Train managers in the union have been staging regular Sunday strikes, currently scheduled to last until the end of May.

    Mick Lynch, the RMT general secretary, said: “Strike action has been suspended to allow space for constructive talks. We are fully committed to using the next three weeks productively to secure a negotiated settlement in good faith.

    “However, Avanti must demonstrate a real willingness to compromise if it wants to avoid an escalation of this dispute in the coming weeks and months.”

  • London’s first Roman basilica found under office block

Текст: The remains of London’s earliest Roman basilica have been discovered under an office block, in what archaeologists have described as one of the most significant recent discoveries in the capital.

The almost 2,000-year-old structure was part of the forum, the Roman capital’s social and administrative centre, and built around the late 70s or early 80s AD, just a few decades after the Romans invaded Britain and 20 years after Boudicca sacked and burned the city in AD60.

Situated on a high point in the city on a raised platform, the forum was a large open space about the size of a football pitch, lined with shops and other buildings. The basilica, at its heart, functioned as a kind of town hall, in which important political and judicial decisions were made.

Intriguingly, archaeologists believe the excavated section contains the tribunal, a designated part of the basilica where important officials would have sat on a raised stage to adjudicate on the main issues affecting the capital of the new Roman outpost.

The structure was short-lived, however, being replaced in about AD100 by a much bigger forum built on the same site.

Describing the find as “one of the most significant discoveries made in the city in recent years”, Sophie Jackson, the director of development at Mola, the Museum of London Archaeology, said: “It’s like discovering the speaker’s chair and chamber of the House of Commons, 2,000 years into the future. The levels of preservation of the basilica have far exceeded our expectations, and we have possibly the most important part of the building.

“Excitingly, we’ve only just scratched the surface of this site’s potential through our initial investigations.”

The remains were discovered in 2023 as part of the redevelopment of an office building at 85 Gracechurch Street, next to the entrance to the historic Leadenhall market at the heart of the City of London.

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Archaeologists have long known of the location of the forum but were surprised to find extensive foundations and walls made of flint, ragstone and Roman tile, in some areas extending more than 10 metres long, 1 metre wide and 4 metres deep.

The scale of the remains led the site’s developers, Hertshten Properties, to revise its plans to include a public exhibition and event space, for which it intends to submit a revised planning application.

Duncan Wilson, the chief executive of Historic England, said: “To find the dais of the basilica, the heart of London’s Roman forum, surviving beneath today’s bustling square mile is really something special. To capitalise on this extraordinary discovery we have helped shape a new public display of the archaeological remains, offering a brand new visitor experience in the City.”

    London’s first Roman basilica found under office block Текст: The remains of London’s earliest Roman basilica have been discovered under an office block, in what archaeologists have described as one of the most significant recent discoveries in the capital. The almost 2,000-year-old structure was part of the forum, the Roman capital’s social and administrative centre, and built around the late 70s or early 80s AD, just a few decades after the Romans invaded Britain and 20 years after Boudicca sacked and burned the city in AD60. Situated on a high point in the city on a raised platform, the forum was a large open space about the size of a football pitch, lined with shops and other buildings. The basilica, at its heart, functioned as a kind of town hall, in which important political and judicial decisions were made. Intriguingly, archaeologists believe the excavated section contains the tribunal, a designated part of the basilica where important officials would have sat on a raised stage to adjudicate on the main issues affecting the capital of the new Roman outpost. The structure was short-lived, however, being replaced in about AD100 by a much bigger forum built on the same site. Describing the find as “one of the most significant discoveries made in the city in recent years”, Sophie Jackson, the director of development at Mola, the Museum of London Archaeology, said: “It’s like discovering the speaker’s chair and chamber of the House of Commons, 2,000 years into the future. The levels of preservation of the basilica have far exceeded our expectations, and we have possibly the most important part of the building. “Excitingly, we’ve only just scratched the surface of this site’s potential through our initial investigations.” The remains were discovered in 2023 as part of the redevelopment of an office building at 85 Gracechurch Street, next to the entrance to the historic Leadenhall market at the heart of the City of London. Sign up to First Edition Our morning email breaks down the key stories of the day, telling you what’s happening and why it matters after newsletter promotion Archaeologists have long known of the location of the forum but were surprised to find extensive foundations and walls made of flint, ragstone and Roman tile, in some areas extending more than 10 metres long, 1 metre wide and 4 metres deep. The scale of the remains led the site’s developers, Hertshten Properties, to revise its plans to include a public exhibition and event space, for which it intends to submit a revised planning application. Duncan Wilson, the chief executive of Historic England, said: “To find the dais of the basilica, the heart of London’s Roman forum, surviving beneath today’s bustling square mile is really something special. To capitalise on this extraordinary discovery we have helped shape a new public display of the archaeological remains, offering a brand new visitor experience in the City.”

    The remains of London’s earliest Roman basilica have been discovered under an office block, in what archaeologists have described as one of the most significant recent discoveries in the capital.

    The almost 2,000-year-old structure was part of the forum, the Roman capital’s social and administrative centre, and built around the late 70s or early 80s AD, just a few decades after the Romans invaded Britain and 20 years after Boudicca sacked and burned the city in AD60.

    Situated on a high point in the city on a raised platform, the forum was a large open space about the size of a football pitch, lined with shops and other buildings. The basilica, at its heart, functioned as a kind of town hall, in which important political and judicial decisions were made.

    Intriguingly, archaeologists believe the excavated section contains the tribunal, a designated part of the basilica where important officials would have sat on a raised stage to adjudicate on the main issues affecting the capital of the new Roman outpost.

    The structure was short-lived, however, being replaced in about AD100 by a much bigger forum built on the same site.

    Describing the find as “one of the most significant discoveries made in the city in recent years”, Sophie Jackson, the director of development at Mola, the Museum of London Archaeology, said: “It’s like discovering the speaker’s chair and chamber of the House of Commons, 2,000 years into the future. The levels of preservation of the basilica have far exceeded our expectations, and we have possibly the most important part of the building.

    “Excitingly, we’ve only just scratched the surface of this site’s potential through our initial investigations.”

    The remains were discovered in 2023 as part of the redevelopment of an office building at 85 Gracechurch Street, next to the entrance to the historic Leadenhall market at the heart of the City of London.

    Sign up to First Edition

    Our morning email breaks down the key stories of the day, telling you what’s happening and why it matters

    after newsletter promotion

    Archaeologists have long known of the location of the forum but were surprised to find extensive foundations and walls made of flint, ragstone and Roman tile, in some areas extending more than 10 metres long, 1 metre wide and 4 metres deep.

    The scale of the remains led the site’s developers, Hertshten Properties, to revise its plans to include a public exhibition and event space, for which it intends to submit a revised planning application.

    Duncan Wilson, the chief executive of Historic England, said: “To find the dais of the basilica, the heart of London’s Roman forum, surviving beneath today’s bustling square mile is really something special. To capitalise on this extraordinary discovery we have helped shape a new public display of the archaeological remains, offering a brand new visitor experience in the City.”

  • What should the Grenfell memorial look like? History has some answers

Текст: For the past seven years, Grenfell Tower has been cloaked in white wrapping, protecting the fire-damaged fabric from further corrosion and the public from falling debris. This shroud covers a monumental cenotaph, a visceral reminder of the tragedy that claimed 72 lives and upended so many others. Now, the deputy prime minister has decided that the tower will be demolished in time for the 10th anniversary of the fire in 2027. The justification is that the tower is structurally vulnerable, and – insipidly – because there is no consensus among the community groups and campaigns seeking reparative justice.

Many of these groups have said they felt ignored by the government’s decision, while local residents remain divided. What is clear is that a top-down verdict from central government has obscured some of the careful thinking and deep engagement by various communities at a local level. As attention turns toward the construction of a permanent memorial, there are questions as to whether this can be handled with the appropriate sensitivity and proper consultation.

Early signs, based on the government’s ruling, are that the system has not fundamentally been reformed. Decisions about a memorial to Grenfell will have a particular potency because the redevelopment of the site will be a measure of how the construction industry and regulatory regime have changed since the tragedy, from planning and procurement, design and construction, to management and maintenance.

All of these processes should by now be practically inverted if we’ve achieved the shift needed: community-led, bottom-up planning; procurement based solely on quality, with clear and accountable contractual relationships; health, safety, accessibility and sustainability as primary considerations; a process of production that engages local skills and enhances the local economy; and – as the Grenfell Tower Memorial Commission, made up of residents and survivors, advocates – a speedy transfer of ownership from government to an appropriate independent body. The government has committed to this, if that is the wish of the community, and an organisation will be set up to own and maintain it.

Memorialisation and the design of monuments is a complicated process, as the continuing controversy around agreeing an appropriate site, form and purpose for the UK’s national Holocaust memorial demonstrated. The anti-monumentalism of the postwar years rejected the monolithic memorials that reflected the bombast and sublimity so favoured by despotic regimes. In London, this turn away from the grandiose has manifested in the fourth plinth commissions, but also more modestly and movingly in sites like Altab Ali park, Whitechapel, where the racist murder of a young Bangladeshi textile worker in 1978 is commemorated by a decorative arch.

Monuments to ordinary communities made extraordinary through disaster are as rare as they are difficult to design. But we can look to history for inspiration. Take the Victorian artist George Frederic Watts’s commitment to a Memorial to Heroic Self-Sacrifice, situated in Postman’s Park, essentially a veranda designed by Ernest George with beautifully crafted ceramic tablets commemorating ordinary people who died selflessly saving the lives of others. More than half a century later, the London county council created a memorial to Londoners who had died during the blitz by creating an avenue of mature trees running between old County Hall and Waterloo Bridge on the South Bank.

Ruins and relics can also have their own potency: the medieval structure of Coventry Cathedral was badly damaged by a Luftwaffe raid. The architect Basil Spence retained what remained of the structure as a garden of remembrance, adjacent to his striking contemporary cathedral.

The independent Grenfell Tower Memorial Commission, which is supported by the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government, has advanced the commissioning process by shortlisting a number of design teams, a refreshingly diverse list of practitioners in architecture and adjacent disciplines. Whoever is appointed, it will be daunting task and a weighty responsibility, with complex long-term considerations.

Though the aspiration is that the official memorial will be permanent, it should also be able to evolve. The meaning and cultural memory of Grenfell will inevitably change, in ways we are unlikely to anticipate. The Victorians liked sturdy, fixed monuments – in our contemporary moment, this kind of heroic memorialisation simply does not cater to the diverse views and needs of the community or the public. The Monument in the City of London – it is easy to forget – commemorates the Great Fire of 1666, and its messages about the causes of the fire and the power relations that informed the City’s reconstruction represent a very specific historical context now largely forgotten.

Further, even though the tower will be demolished, aspects of it should be preserved. When the architects Alison and Peter Smithson’s brutalist landmark housing scheme Robin Hood Gardens was finally consigned to the rubble heap, the V&A Museum was challenged to preserve a three-storey section in its collection. With appropriate supporting displays and interpretation, there could be a similar approach in keeping some of the fabric of Grenfell. Forensic Architecture, meanwhile, has not only sought to accurately record the tower’s structure and the technical failures it endured, but also developed “situated testimonies” in collaboration with residents, bereaved families and survivors.

The memorial provides an opportunity to commemorate the profound change that Grenfell has and must continue to have on how our cities and buildings are shaped. Academics like Liam Ross in Edinburgh have undertaken detailed research around what he terms “pyrotechnic cities”, the ways in which buildings and the urban condition have been shaped by fire and resulting regulatory or practical changes, including in North Kensington. Ross undertakes an “archaeology of fire”, observing the process of “concretising existing codes in new structures”. True memorialisation of disaster involves revising standards. Over the past three years, Ross and I have collaborated on designing a short learning programme aimed at arming professionals with deeper knowledge of fire and life safety, conceived as a memorial and a platform for change.

There are already many memorials to Grenfell, driven by those most affected by the fire and on the frontline of campaigning. They remind us that memorialisation is not a passive or indeed singular act. Even if the tower were to remain, its potency as a symbol would depend on fundamental shifts in the way we think about our buildings and cities. A memorial should not and cannot be a “national” monument for gawping at, but a nodal point of a shared and renewed commitment to ensure such a tragedy never happens again.

Neal Shasore is a historian of the built environment and heritage advocate

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    What should the Grenfell memorial look like? History has some answers Текст: For the past seven years, Grenfell Tower has been cloaked in white wrapping, protecting the fire-damaged fabric from further corrosion and the public from falling debris. This shroud covers a monumental cenotaph, a visceral reminder of the tragedy that claimed 72 lives and upended so many others. Now, the deputy prime minister has decided that the tower will be demolished in time for the 10th anniversary of the fire in 2027. The justification is that the tower is structurally vulnerable, and – insipidly – because there is no consensus among the community groups and campaigns seeking reparative justice. Many of these groups have said they felt ignored by the government’s decision, while local residents remain divided. What is clear is that a top-down verdict from central government has obscured some of the careful thinking and deep engagement by various communities at a local level. As attention turns toward the construction of a permanent memorial, there are questions as to whether this can be handled with the appropriate sensitivity and proper consultation. Early signs, based on the government’s ruling, are that the system has not fundamentally been reformed. Decisions about a memorial to Grenfell will have a particular potency because the redevelopment of the site will be a measure of how the construction industry and regulatory regime have changed since the tragedy, from planning and procurement, design and construction, to management and maintenance. All of these processes should by now be practically inverted if we’ve achieved the shift needed: community-led, bottom-up planning; procurement based solely on quality, with clear and accountable contractual relationships; health, safety, accessibility and sustainability as primary considerations; a process of production that engages local skills and enhances the local economy; and – as the Grenfell Tower Memorial Commission, made up of residents and survivors, advocates – a speedy transfer of ownership from government to an appropriate independent body. The government has committed to this, if that is the wish of the community, and an organisation will be set up to own and maintain it. Memorialisation and the design of monuments is a complicated process, as the continuing controversy around agreeing an appropriate site, form and purpose for the UK’s national Holocaust memorial demonstrated. The anti-monumentalism of the postwar years rejected the monolithic memorials that reflected the bombast and sublimity so favoured by despotic regimes. In London, this turn away from the grandiose has manifested in the fourth plinth commissions, but also more modestly and movingly in sites like Altab Ali park, Whitechapel, where the racist murder of a young Bangladeshi textile worker in 1978 is commemorated by a decorative arch. Monuments to ordinary communities made extraordinary through disaster are as rare as they are difficult to design. But we can look to history for inspiration. Take the Victorian artist George Frederic Watts’s commitment to a Memorial to Heroic Self-Sacrifice, situated in Postman’s Park, essentially a veranda designed by Ernest George with beautifully crafted ceramic tablets commemorating ordinary people who died selflessly saving the lives of others. More than half a century later, the London county council created a memorial to Londoners who had died during the blitz by creating an avenue of mature trees running between old County Hall and Waterloo Bridge on the South Bank. Ruins and relics can also have their own potency: the medieval structure of Coventry Cathedral was badly damaged by a Luftwaffe raid. The architect Basil Spence retained what remained of the structure as a garden of remembrance, adjacent to his striking contemporary cathedral. The independent Grenfell Tower Memorial Commission, which is supported by the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government, has advanced the commissioning process by shortlisting a number of design teams, a refreshingly diverse list of practitioners in architecture and adjacent disciplines. Whoever is appointed, it will be daunting task and a weighty responsibility, with complex long-term considerations. Though the aspiration is that the official memorial will be permanent, it should also be able to evolve. The meaning and cultural memory of Grenfell will inevitably change, in ways we are unlikely to anticipate. The Victorians liked sturdy, fixed monuments – in our contemporary moment, this kind of heroic memorialisation simply does not cater to the diverse views and needs of the community or the public. The Monument in the City of London – it is easy to forget – commemorates the Great Fire of 1666, and its messages about the causes of the fire and the power relations that informed the City’s reconstruction represent a very specific historical context now largely forgotten. Further, even though the tower will be demolished, aspects of it should be preserved. When the architects Alison and Peter Smithson’s brutalist landmark housing scheme Robin Hood Gardens was finally consigned to the rubble heap, the V&A Museum was challenged to preserve a three-storey section in its collection. With appropriate supporting displays and interpretation, there could be a similar approach in keeping some of the fabric of Grenfell. Forensic Architecture, meanwhile, has not only sought to accurately record the tower’s structure and the technical failures it endured, but also developed “situated testimonies” in collaboration with residents, bereaved families and survivors. The memorial provides an opportunity to commemorate the profound change that Grenfell has and must continue to have on how our cities and buildings are shaped. Academics like Liam Ross in Edinburgh have undertaken detailed research around what he terms “pyrotechnic cities”, the ways in which buildings and the urban condition have been shaped by fire and resulting regulatory or practical changes, including in North Kensington. Ross undertakes an “archaeology of fire”, observing the process of “concretising existing codes in new structures”. True memorialisation of disaster involves revising standards. Over the past three years, Ross and I have collaborated on designing a short learning programme aimed at arming professionals with deeper knowledge of fire and life safety, conceived as a memorial and a platform for change. There are already many memorials to Grenfell, driven by those most affected by the fire and on the frontline of campaigning. They remind us that memorialisation is not a passive or indeed singular act. Even if the tower were to remain, its potency as a symbol would depend on fundamental shifts in the way we think about our buildings and cities. A memorial should not and cannot be a “national” monument for gawping at, but a nodal point of a shared and renewed commitment to ensure such a tragedy never happens again. Neal Shasore is a historian of the built environment and heritage advocate Do you have an opinion on the issues raised in this article? If you would like to submit a response of up to 300 words by email to be considered for publication in our letters section, please click here.

    For the past seven years, Grenfell Tower has been cloaked in white wrapping, protecting the fire-damaged fabric from further corrosion and the public from falling debris. This shroud covers a monumental cenotaph, a visceral reminder of the tragedy that claimed 72 lives and upended so many others. Now, the deputy prime minister has decided that the tower will be demolished in time for the 10th anniversary of the fire in 2027. The justification is that the tower is structurally vulnerable, and – insipidly – because there is no consensus among the community groups and campaigns seeking reparative justice.

    Many of these groups have said they felt ignored by the government’s decision, while local residents remain divided. What is clear is that a top-down verdict from central government has obscured some of the careful thinking and deep engagement by various communities at a local level. As attention turns toward the construction of a permanent memorial, there are questions as to whether this can be handled with the appropriate sensitivity and proper consultation.

    Early signs, based on the government’s ruling, are that the system has not fundamentally been reformed. Decisions about a memorial to Grenfell will have a particular potency because the redevelopment of the site will be a measure of how the construction industry and regulatory regime have changed since the tragedy, from planning and procurement, design and construction, to management and maintenance.

    All of these processes should by now be practically inverted if we’ve achieved the shift needed: community-led, bottom-up planning; procurement based solely on quality, with clear and accountable contractual relationships; health, safety, accessibility and sustainability as primary considerations; a process of production that engages local skills and enhances the local economy; and – as the Grenfell Tower Memorial Commission, made up of residents and survivors, advocates – a speedy transfer of ownership from government to an appropriate independent body. The government has committed to this, if that is the wish of the community, and an organisation will be set up to own and maintain it.

    Memorialisation and the design of monuments is a complicated process, as the continuing controversy around agreeing an appropriate site, form and purpose for the UK’s national Holocaust memorial demonstrated. The anti-monumentalism of the postwar years rejected the monolithic memorials that reflected the bombast and sublimity so favoured by despotic regimes. In London, this turn away from the grandiose has manifested in the fourth plinth commissions, but also more modestly and movingly in sites like Altab Ali park, Whitechapel, where the racist murder of a young Bangladeshi textile worker in 1978 is commemorated by a decorative arch.

    Monuments to ordinary communities made extraordinary through disaster are as rare as they are difficult to design. But we can look to history for inspiration. Take the Victorian artist George Frederic Watts’s commitment to a Memorial to Heroic Self-Sacrifice, situated in Postman’s Park, essentially a veranda designed by Ernest George with beautifully crafted ceramic tablets commemorating ordinary people who died selflessly saving the lives of others. More than half a century later, the London county council created a memorial to Londoners who had died during the blitz by creating an avenue of mature trees running between old County Hall and Waterloo Bridge on the South Bank.

    Ruins and relics can also have their own potency: the medieval structure of Coventry Cathedral was badly damaged by a Luftwaffe raid. The architect Basil Spence retained what remained of the structure as a garden of remembrance, adjacent to his striking contemporary cathedral.

    The independent Grenfell Tower Memorial Commission, which is supported by the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government, has advanced the commissioning process by shortlisting a number of design teams, a refreshingly diverse list of practitioners in architecture and adjacent disciplines. Whoever is appointed, it will be daunting task and a weighty responsibility, with complex long-term considerations.

    Though the aspiration is that the official memorial will be permanent, it should also be able to evolve. The meaning and cultural memory of Grenfell will inevitably change, in ways we are unlikely to anticipate. The Victorians liked sturdy, fixed monuments – in our contemporary moment, this kind of heroic memorialisation simply does not cater to the diverse views and needs of the community or the public. The Monument in the City of London – it is easy to forget – commemorates the Great Fire of 1666, and its messages about the causes of the fire and the power relations that informed the City’s reconstruction represent a very specific historical context now largely forgotten.

    Further, even though the tower will be demolished, aspects of it should be preserved. When the architects Alison and Peter Smithson’s brutalist landmark housing scheme Robin Hood Gardens was finally consigned to the rubble heap, the V&A Museum was challenged to preserve a three-storey section in its collection. With appropriate supporting displays and interpretation, there could be a similar approach in keeping some of the fabric of Grenfell. Forensic Architecture, meanwhile, has not only sought to accurately record the tower’s structure and the technical failures it endured, but also developed “situated testimonies” in collaboration with residents, bereaved families and survivors.

    The memorial provides an opportunity to commemorate the profound change that Grenfell has and must continue to have on how our cities and buildings are shaped. Academics like Liam Ross in Edinburgh have undertaken detailed research around what he terms “pyrotechnic cities”, the ways in which buildings and the urban condition have been shaped by fire and resulting regulatory or practical changes, including in North Kensington. Ross undertakes an “archaeology of fire”, observing the process of “concretising existing codes in new structures”. True memorialisation of disaster involves revising standards. Over the past three years, Ross and I have collaborated on designing a short learning programme aimed at arming professionals with deeper knowledge of fire and life safety, conceived as a memorial and a platform for change.

    There are already many memorials to Grenfell, driven by those most affected by the fire and on the frontline of campaigning. They remind us that memorialisation is not a passive or indeed singular act. Even if the tower were to remain, its potency as a symbol would depend on fundamental shifts in the way we think about our buildings and cities. A memorial should not and cannot be a “national” monument for gawping at, but a nodal point of a shared and renewed commitment to ensure such a tragedy never happens again.

    Neal Shasore is a historian of the built environment and heritage advocate

    Do you have an opinion on the issues raised in this article? If you would like to submit a response of up to 300 words by email to be considered for publication in our letters section, please click here.